Difference between revisions of "Directory:Chester A. Arthur"

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{{Infobox_President | name=Chester Alan Arthur
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{{Infobox Officeholder
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| nationality=American
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|name         = Chester A. Arthur
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| image=Chester Alan Arthur.jpg
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|image         = 20 Chester Arthur 3x4.jpg
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| order=21st [[President of the United States]]
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|office        = [[List of Presidents of the United States|21st]] [[President of the United States]]
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| term_start=[[September 19]], [[1881]]
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|term_start   = September 19, 1881
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| term_end=[[March 4]], [[1885]]
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|term_end      = March 4, 1885
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| predecessor=[[James A. Garfield]]
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|vicepresident = ''None''
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| successor=[[Grover Cleveland]]
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|predecessor  = [[James A. Garfield]]
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| birth_date={{birth date|1829|10|5|mf=y}}
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|successor    = [[Grover Cleveland]]
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| birth_place=[[Fairfield, Vermont]]
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|office2      = [[List of Vice Presidents of the United States|20th]] [[Vice President of the United States]]
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| death_date={{death date and age|1886|11|18|1829|10|05}}  
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|president2    = [[James A. Garfield]]
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| death_place=[[New York City|New York]], [[New York]]
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|term_start2  = March 4, 1881
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| spouse=[[Ellen Lewis Herndon Arthur]], niece of [[Matthew Fontaine Maury]]
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|term_end2    = September 19, 1881
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| occupation=[[Lawyer]], [[Civil servant]], [[Education|Educator]] ([[Teacher]])
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|predecessor2  = [[William A. Wheeler]]
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| party=[[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]]
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|successor2    = [[Thomas A. Hendricks]]
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| vicepresident=None
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|birth_date   = {{birth date|1829|10|5}}
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| order2=20th [[Vice President of the United States]]
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|birth_place   = [[Fairfield, Vermont|Fairfield]], Vermont, U.S.
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| term_start2=[[March 4]], [[1881]]
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|death_date   = {{death date and age|1886|11|18|1829|10|5}}
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| term_end2=[[September 19]], [[1881]]
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|death_place   = New York City, New York, U.S.
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| president2=[[James Garfield]]
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|party        = [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]] <small>(1854–1886)</small>
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| predecessor2=[[William A. Wheeler]]
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|otherparty    = [[Whig Party (United States)|Whig]] <small>(Before 1856)</small>
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| successor2=[[Thomas A. Hendricks]]
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|spouse       = [[Ellen Lewis Herndon Arthur|Ellen Herndon]]
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| religion=[[Episcopal Church in the United States of America|Episcopalian]]
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|children      = William<br>Chester<br>Ellen
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| alma_mater =[[Union College]]
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|alma_mater    = [[Union College]]<br>[[State and National Law School]]
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| facial hair=yes
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|profession    = Lawyer<br>[[Civil service|Civil servant]]
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| signature=Chester Arther Signature.png
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|religion      = [[Episcopal Church (United States)|Episcopal]]
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|}}
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|signature    = Chester Alan Arthur Signature.svg
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'''Chester Alan Arthur''' ([[October 5]], [[1829]] &ndash; [[November 18]], [[1886]]) was an [[Politics of the United States|American politician]] who served as the twenty-first [[President of the United States]]. Arthur was a member of the [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican Party]] and worked as a [[Law of the United States|lawyer]] before becoming the twentieth [[Vice President of the United States|vice president]] under [[James A. Garfield|James Garfield]]. While Garfield was mortally wounded by [[Charles Guiteau]] on [[July 2]], [[1881]], he did not die until [[September 19]], at which time Arthur was sworn in as president, serving until [[March 4]], [[1885]].
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|signature_alt = Cursive signature in ink
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|allegiance    = United States<br>[[Union (American Civil War)|Union]]
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|branch        = [[Union Army]]
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|unit          = [[New York Guard]]
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|rank          = [[Brigadier general (United States)|Brigadier general]]
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|battles      = [[American Civil War]]
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}}
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'''Chester Alan Arthur''' (October&nbsp;5, 1829 – November&nbsp;18, 1886) was the [[List of Presidents of the United States|21st]] [[President of the United States]] (1881–1885).  Becoming President after [[Assassination of James A. Garfield|the assassination]] of President [[James A. Garfield]], Arthur struggled to overcome suspicions of his beginnings as a politician from the New York City [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]] machine, succeeding at that task by embracing the cause of civil service reform.  His advocacy for, and enforcement of, the [[Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act]] was the centerpiece of his administration.
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Born in [[Fairfield, Vermont]], Arthur grew up in [[upstate New York]] and practiced law in New York City.  He devoted much of his time to Republican politics and quickly rose in the political machine run by New York Senator [[Roscoe Conkling]].  Appointed by President [[Ulysses S. Grant]] to the lucrative and politically powerful post of [[Collector of the Port of New York]] in 1871, Arthur was an important supporter of Conkling and the [[Stalwart (politics)|Stalwart]] faction of the Republican Party.  In 1878 he was replaced by the new president, [[Rutherford B. Hayes]], who was trying to reform the federal patronage system in New York.  When James Garfield won the Republican nomination for President in 1880, Arthur was nominated for Vice President to [[Ticket balance|balance the ticket]] by adding an eastern Stalwart to it.
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After just half a year as Vice President, Arthur found himself, unexpectedly, in the [[White House|Executive Mansion]].  To the surprise of reformers, Arthur took up the reform cause that had once led to his expulsion from office.  He signed the [[Pendleton Act]] into law, and enforced its provisions vigorously.  He won plaudits for his veto of a Rivers and Harbors Act that would have appropriated federal funds in a manner he thought excessive.  He presided over the rebirth of the [[United States Navy]] but was criticized for failing to alleviate the federal budget surplus that had been accumulating since the end of the [[American Civil War]].  Suffering from poor health, Arthur made only a limited effort to secure renomination in 1884; he retired at the close of his term.  As journalist [[Alexander McClure]] would later write, "No man ever entered the Presidency so profoundly and widely distrusted as Chester Alan Arthur, and no one ever retired ... more generally respected, alike by political friend and foe."<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 420</ref>  Although his failing health and political temperament combined to make his administration less active than a modern presidency, he earned praise among contemporaries for his solid performance in office.  The ''New York World'' summed up Arthur's presidency at his death in 1886: "No duty was neglected in his administration, and no adventurous project alarmed the nation."<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 423</ref>
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==Early life==
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===Birth and family===
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Chester Alan Arthur was born October&nbsp;5, 1829, in [[Fairfield, Vermont]].<sup>[Note 1]</sup>  His father, William Arthur, was born just outside the village of [[Cullybackey]], [[County Antrim]], Ireland, and emigrated to [[Dunham, Quebec|Dunham]], [[Lower Canada]] (in present-day [[Quebec]]) in 1818 or 1819 after graduating from Belfast College.<ref name=reeves4>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 4; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 4</ref>  Arthur's mother, Malvina Stone, was born in Vermont, the daughter of George Washington Stone and Judith Stevens.  Malvina's family was primarily of English descent, and her grandfather, Uriah Stone, fought in the [[Continental Army]] during the [[American Revolution]].<ref name=reeves4/>  Arthur's mother met his father while he was teaching at a school in Dunham, just over the border from her native Vermont, and the two soon married.<ref name=reeves4/>  After their first child, Regina, was born in Dunham, the Arthurs moved around Vermont in quick succession to [[Burlington, Vermont|Burlington]], [[Jericho, Vermont|Jericho]], and [[Waterville, Vermont|Waterville]], as William moved to jobs with different schools.<ref name=reeves4/>  In Waterville, William Arthur departed from his Presbyterian upbringing and joined the [[Free Will Baptist]]s, spending the rest of his life as a minister in that sect.<ref name=reeves4/>  He also became an outspoken abolitionist, which at times made him unpopular with parts of his congregations and contributed to the family's frequent moves.<ref>[[#howe|Howe]], p. 7; [[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 6</ref>  In 1828, the family moved again, to Fairfield, where Chester Alan Arthur was born the following year.<ref name=reeves5/>  He was named "Chester" after Chester Abell, the physician and family friend who assisted in his birth, and "Alan" after his paternal grandfather.<sup>[Note 2]</sup>  After Arthur's birth, the family remained in Fairfield until 1832, when the elder Arthur's profession took them on the road again to several towns in Vermont and [[upstate New York]], finally settling in the [[Schenectady]] area.<ref name="reeves7"/>
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William Arthur's frequent moves would later form the basis for accusations that Chester Arthur was not a native-born citizen of the United States.  After Arthur was [[United States presidential election, 1880|nominated for Vice President in 1880]], his political opponents suggested that he might be constitutionally ineligible to hold that office.<ref>[[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 53–54</ref>  A New York attorney, Arthur P. Hinman, apparently hired by his opponents, explored rumors of Arthur's foreign birth.<ref name=hinman>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 202–203</ref>  Hinman initially alleged that Arthur was born in Ireland and did not come to the United States until he was fourteen years old, which would make him ineligible for the Vice Presidency under the United States Constitution's  [[Natural-born-citizen clause of the U.S. Constitution|natural-born citizen clause]].<ref name=hinman/><sup>[Note 3]</sup>  When that story did not take root, Hinman spread a new rumor that Arthur was born in Canada, but this claim also failed to gain credence.<ref name=hinman/>
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===Education===
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Arthur spent some of his childhood years living in [[Perry (village), New York|Perry]] and [[Greenwich (village), New York|Greenwich]], New York. During his time at school, his first political inclinations were to support the [[Whig Party (United States)|Whig Party]], and he joined other young Whigs in support of [[Henry Clay]], even participating in a brawl against those students supporting [[James K. Polk]].<ref name=reeves7>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 7–8</ref>  He also showed his support for the [[Fenian Brotherhood]] by wearing a green coat.<ref name=reeves9>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 9</ref>  Arthur enrolled in [[Union College]] in 1845 where he studied the traditional [[Classical education movement|classical curriculum]].<ref name=reeves7/>    As a senior there in 1848, at age 18, he was elected to [[Phi Beta Kappa]] and was president of the debate society.<ref name=reeves9/>  During his winter breaks, Arthur taught school in [[Schaghticoke (town), New York|Schaghticoke]].<ref name=reeves9/>
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After graduating, Arthur returned to Schaghticoke and taught school full-time, but soon began to pursue an education in the law.<ref name=reeves10>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 10</ref>  While studying law, he continued teaching, moving closer to home by taking a job teaching in [[North Pownal, Vermont|North Pownal]], Vermont.<ref name=reeves10/>  Coincidentally, future President [[James A. Garfield]] would teach penmanship at the same school three years later, but the two did not cross paths.<ref name=reeves11>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 11</ref>  In 1852, Arthur moved again, to [[Cohoes, New York|Cohoes]], New York, to become the principal of a school at which his sister Malvina was a teacher.<ref name=reeves11/>  After saving enough money, and studying at [[State and National Law School]] in [[Ballston Spa, New York|Ballston Spa]], he moved to New York City the following year to [[Reading law|read law]] at the law office of [[Erastus D. Culver]], an abolitionist lawyer and family friend.<ref>[[#kara|Karabell]], p. 12</ref>  When Arthur was admitted to the [[Bar (law)|bar]] in 1854, he joined the firm, which was renamed Culver, Parker, and Arthur.<ref name=reeves14>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 14</ref>
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==Early career==
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[[File:Chester A Arthur 1859.png|thumb|left|upright|alt=Black-and-white photograph of a young man with a mustache|Arthur as a young lawyer]]
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===New York lawyer===
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When Arthur joined the firm, Culver and New York attorney [[John Jay (lawyer)|John Jay]] (the grandson of the Founding Father of the [[John Jay|same name]]) were pursuing a ''[[habeas corpus]]'' action against Jonathan Lemmon, a Virginia slaveholder who was passing through New York with his eight slaves.<ref name=lemmon>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 14–15</ref>  In ''[[Lemmon v. New York]]'', Culver argued that, as New York law did not permit slavery, any slave arriving in New York was automatically freed.<ref name=lemmon/>  The argument was successful, and after several appeals was upheld by the [[New York Court of Appeals]] in 1860.<ref name=lemmon/>  Campaign biographers would later give Arthur much of the credit for the victory; in fact his role was minor, although he was certainly an active participant in the case.<ref name=reeves16>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 16</ref>  In another civil rights case in 1854, Arthur was the lead attorney representing [[Elizabeth Jennings Graham]] after she was denied a seat on a streetcar because she was black.<ref name=reeves16/>  He won the case, and the verdict led to the [[desegregation]] of the New York City streetcar lines.<ref name=reeves16/>
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In 1856, Arthur courted [[Ellen Lewis Herndon Arthur|Ellen Herndon]], the daughter of [[William Lewis Herndon]], a Virginia naval officer.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 19–20</ref>  The two were soon engaged to be married.<ref>[[#kara|Karabell]], p. 14</ref>  Later that year, he started a new law partnership with a friend, Henry D. Gardiner, and traveled with him to Kansas to consider purchasing land and setting up a law practice there.<ref name=reeves16/>  At that time, the state was the scene of a [[Bleeding Kansas|brutal struggle]] between pro-slavery and anti-slavery forces, and Arthur lined up firmly with the latter.<ref name=reeves17>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp.17–18</ref>  The rough frontier life did not agree with the genteel New Yorkers; after three or four months the two young lawyers returned to New York City, where Arthur comforted his fiancée after her father was lost at sea in the wreck of the [[SS Central America|SS ''Central America'']].<ref name=reeves17/>  In 1859, they were married at [[Calvary Church (Manhattan)|Calvary Episcopal Church]] in Manhattan.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 21</ref>  After his marriage, Arthur devoted his efforts to building his law practice, but also found time to engage in [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican party]] politics.<ref name=howe18>[[#howe|Howe]], pp. 18–19</ref>
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===Civil War===
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[[File:Ellen Arthur.jpg|thumb|upright|alt=Black-and-white photograph of a woman with dark hair|Arthur married [[Ellen Lewis Herndon Arthur|Ellen Herndon]] in 1859.]]
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In 1860, Arthur was appointed to the military staff of Governor [[Edwin D. Morgan]].<ref name=howe18/>  The office was a patronage appointment of minor importance until the outbreak of the [[American Civil War|Civil War]] in April 1861, when New York and the other northern states were faced with raising and equipping armies of a size never before seen in American history.<ref name=howe20>[[#howe|Howe]], pp. 20–21; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 22–23</ref>  Arthur was given the rank of [[Brigadier general (United States)|brigadier general]] and assigned to the [[quartermaster]] department.<ref name=howe20/>  He was so efficient at housing and outfitting the troops that poured into New York City that he was promoted within the state militia to inspector general in February 1862, and then to quartermaster general that July.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 24–25</ref>  He had an opportunity to serve at the front when the [[9th New York Volunteer Infantry Regiment]] elected him [[colonel]] early in the war, but at Governor Morgan's request, he turned it down to remain at his post in New York.<ref>[[#howe|Howe]], p. 25</ref>  The closest Arthur came to the front was when he traveled south to inspect New York troops near [[Fredericksburg, Virginia|Fredericksburg]], Virginia, in May 1862, shortly after forces under Major General [[Irwin McDowell]] seized the town during the [[Peninsula Campaign]].<ref name=howe26>[[#howe|Howe]], pp. 26–27; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 28–29</ref>  That summer, he and other representatives of northern governors met with Secretary of State [[William H. Seward]] in New York to coordinate the raising of additional troops, and spent the next few months enlisting New York's quota of 120,000 men.<ref name=howe26/>  Arthur received plaudits for his work, but his post was a political one, and he was relieved of his office in January 1863 when Governor [[Horatio Seymour]], a [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democrat]], took office.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 30</ref>
  
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Before entering politics, Arthur was a member of the Stalwart faction of the Republican Party and a political protégé of [[Roscoe Conkling]], rising to Collector of Customs for the [[Port of New York Authority|Port of New York]]. He was appointed by President [[Ulysses S. Grant]] but was removed by the succeeding president, [[Rutherford B. Hayes]], in an effort to reform the patronage system in New York.  
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Arthur returned to his law practice in 1863 and the firm of Arthur & Gardiner flourished.<ref>[[#howe|Howe]], pp. 30–31; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 33–34</ref>  Even as his professional life improved, however, Arthur and his wife experienced a personal tragedy as their only child, William, died suddenly that year at the age of three.<ref>[[#howe|Howe]], pp. 29–30; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 34–35</ref>  The couple took their son's death hard, and when they had another son, Chester Alan Jr., in 1864, they lavished attention on him.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 35</ref>  They would also have a daughter, Ellen, in 1871. Both children survived to adulthood.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 84</ref>  Arthur's political prospects improved along with his law practice when his patron, ex-Governor Morgan, was elected to the [[United States Senate]].<ref name=reeves37>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 37</ref>  He was hired by [[Thomas Murphy (Collector)|Thomas Murphy]], a [[Hatmaking|hatter]] who sold goods to the Union Army, to represent him in Washington. The two became associates within New York Republican party circles, eventually rising in the ranks of the conservative branch of the party dominated by [[Thurlow Weed]].<ref name=reeves37/>  In the [[United States presidential election, 1864|presidential election of 1864]], Arthur and Murphy raised funds from Republicans in New York and attended [[Abraham Lincoln]]'s [[Second inauguration of Abraham Lincoln|inauguration in 1865]].<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 38</ref>
  
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To the chagrin of the Stalwarts, the onetime Collector of the Port of New York became, as President, a champion of [[civil service]] reform. He avoided old political cronies and eventually alienated his old mentor Conkling.  Public pressure, heightened by the assassination of Garfield, forced an unwieldy Congress to heed the President. Arthur's primary achievement was the passage of the [[Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act]]. The passage of this legislation earned Arthur the moniker "The Father of Civil Service" and a favorable reputation among historians.
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==New York politician==
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===Conkling's machine===
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[[File:NYCustomHouseMerchantsExchange.jpg|thumb|left|alt=A columned building with a domed roof|The [[New York Custom House]] (formerly the Merchants' Exchange building) was Arthur's office for seven years.]]
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The end of the Civil War meant new opportunities for the men in Morgan's Republican [[Political machine|machine]], including Arthur.<ref name=kara17>[[#kara|Karabell]], p. 17</ref>  Morgan leaned toward the conservative wing of the New York Republican party, as did the men who worked for him, including Weed, Seward (who continued in office under President [[Andrew Johnson]]), and [[Roscoe Conkling]] (an eloquent [[Utica, New York|Utica]] Congressman and rising star in the party).<ref name=kara17/>  Arthur rarely articulated his own political ideas during his time as a part of the machine; as was common at the time, loyalty and hard work on the machine's behalf was more important than actual political sympathies.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 39; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 37</ref> In 1866, he attempted to secure the position of Naval Officer at the [[New York Custom House]], a lucrative job with few responsibilities, but was unable to do so.<ref name=r40>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 40–41</ref>  Nevertheless, he continued his law practice (now a solo practitionership after Gardiner's death) and his role in politics, becoming a member of the prestigious [[Century Association|Century Club]] in 1867.<ref name=r40/>  Conkling, [[United States Senate election in New York, 1867|elected in 1867]] to the United States Senate, noticed Arthur and aided his rise in the party.<ref name=r44>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 44–45</ref>  Arthur became chairman of the New York City Republican executive committee in 1868.<ref name=r42>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 42; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 39</ref>  His ascent in the party hierarchy kept him busy most nights, and his wife began to resent his continual absence from the family home on party business.<ref name=r71>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 71–73</ref>
  
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Publisher Alexander K. McClure wrote, "No man ever entered the Presidency so profoundly and widely distrusted, and no one ever retired… more generally respected." Author [[Mark Twain]], deeply cynical about politicians, conceded, "It would be hard indeed to better President Arthur's administration."
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Conkling's machine was solidly behind General [[Ulysses S. Grant]]'s candidacy for president, and Arthur worked to raise funds for Grant's election in 1868.<ref name=r48>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 48</ref>  The opposing Democratic machine in New York City, known as [[Tammany Hall]], worked for Grant's opponent, former New York Governor Horatio Seymour; while Grant was victorious in the national vote, Seymour carried the state of New York easily.<ref name=r48/>  Arthur began to devote more of his time to politics and less to law.<ref name=r49>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 49–50; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 42</ref>  In 1869, he was appointed counsel to the New York City tax commission under an arrangement his friend Murphy made with [[William Marcy Tweed]], the Tammany Hall boss.<ref name=r49/>  He remained at the job until 1870 at a salary of $10,000 a year.<ref name=r49/><sup>[Note 4]</sup>  Arthur's actual role in the tax commission's duties is still unknown; after Tweed's fall from power in 1871, Arthur never spoke of the Conking machine's cooperation with Tammany Hall.<ref name=r49/>  Shortly thereafter, President Grant gave control over the [[New York Custom House]] [[patronage]] to Conkling and appointed Murphy to the position of [[Collector of the Port of New York]].<ref name=r51>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 51–53; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 44–45</ref>  Murphy's reputation as a war profiteer and his association with Tammany Hall made him unacceptable to many of his own party, but Conkling nevertheless convinced the Senate to confirm him.<ref name=r51/>  The Collector was responsible for hiring hundreds of workers to collect the tariffs due at the United States' busiest port.  Typically, these jobs were dispensed to adherents of the political machine responsible for hiring the Collector. Employees were required to make political contributions (known as "assessments") back to the machine, which made the job a highly coveted political plum.<ref name=r61>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 61–67; [[#schwartz|Schwartz]], p. 182</ref>  Murphy's unpopularity only increased as he replaced workers loyal to Senator [[Reuben Fenton]]'s faction of the Republican party with those loyal to Conkling's.<ref name=r57>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 57–58</ref>  Eventually, the pressure to replace Murphy grew too great, and Grant asked for his resignation in 1871.<ref name=r57/>  To replace him, Grant nominated Arthur.<ref name=r60>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 60; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 46–47</ref>
  
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==Early life and education==
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The Senate confirmed Arthur's appointment.  As Collector, he not only controlled nearly a thousand jobs, but he also stood to receive personal compensation as great as any federal officeholder.<ref name=r61/>  Arthur's salary was $6,500, but senior customs employees were also compensated by the "moiety" system, which awarded them a percentage of the fines levied on importers who attempted to evade the tariff.<ref name=r59>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 59, 63, 85–86</ref>  In total, his income came to more than $50,000—more than the president's salary, and more than enough for him to enjoy fashionable clothes and a lavish lifestyle.<ref name=r59/><super.[Note 5]</super>  Among those who dealt with the Custom House, Arthur was one of the era's more popular collectors.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 68</ref>  He got along with his subordinates and, since Murphy had already filled the staff with Conkling's adherents, he had few occasions to fire anyone.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 69–70</ref>  He was also popular within the Republican party as he efficiently collected campaign assessments from the staff and placed party leaders' friends in jobs as positions became available.<ref name=r71/>  Arthur had a better reputation than Murphy, but reformers still criticized the patronage structure and the moiety system as corrupt.<ref name=r61/>  A rising tide of reform within the party caused Arthur to recharacterize the financial extractions from employees as "voluntary contributions" in 1872, but the principle remained the same and the party reaped the benefit of controlling government jobs.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 76–77</ref>  In that year, reform-minded Republicans formed the [[Liberal Republican Party (United States)|Liberal Republican]] party and voted against Grant, but he was [[United States presidential election, 1872|re-elected]] in spite of their opposition.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 78–79</ref>  Nevertheless, the movement for civil service reform continued to chip away at Conkling's patronage machine when, after Custom House employees were found to have improperly assessed fines against an importing company in 1874, Congress repealed the moiety system and put the staff, including Arthur, on regular salary.<ref name=r79>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 79–84; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 49</ref>  As a result, his income dropped to $12,000 a year.<ref name=r79/>
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  {{Infobox Military Person
 
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|name= Chester A. Arthur
 
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|lived=[[October 5]], [[1829]] - [[November 18]], [[1886]]
 
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|placeofbirth= Fairfield, Vermont
 
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|placeofdeath= New York, New York
 
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|image=[[Image:US-O7 insignia.svg|100px]]
 
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|caption=
 
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|nickname=
 
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|allegiance= New York State [[militia]]
 
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|serviceyears=
 
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|rank= [[Brigadier General]], Quartermaster General
 
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|commands=Quartermaster Service in the New York State
 
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|unit=
 
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|battles=[[American Civil War|Civil War]]
 
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|awards=
 
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|laterwork= U.S. Vice President (1881), U.S. President (1881-1885)
 
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}}
 
  
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Chester Alan Arthur was the son of Irish born preacher William Arthur and Vermont born Malvina Stone Arthur. Most official references list him as having been born in [[Fairfield, Vermont|Fairfield]] in [[Franklin County, Vermont]] on [[October 5]], [[1829]]. But Arthur sometimes claimed to have been born in 1830.  (The date is on his grave inscription and occurs in some reference works.) His father had initially migrated to Dunham, Québec, Canada, where he and his wife at one point owned a farm about {{convert|80|mi|km|0}} north of the U.S. border. There has long been speculation that the future president was actually born in [[Canada]] and that the family moved to Fairfield later. Given a lack of official documentation and the seeming confusion about the year of Arthur's birth, historians have been unable to rule this possibility out. Even if true, he was a natural-born citizen by virtue of his parents' citizenship, thus making him constitutionally eligible to serve as vice president or president. Some of his opponents circulated the Canada rumor during the 1880 election, but they could not prove it, and no proof has emerged since.
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===Clash with Hayes===
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[[File:Arthur NYcustoms house cartoon.jpg|thumb|alt=Cartoon of a man kicking another man into the street|A cartoon depicting President [[Rutherford B. Hayes]] kicking Arthur out of the New York Custom House.]]
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Arthur's four-year term expired on December&nbsp;10, 1875, and Conkling, now among the most powerful politicians in Washington, arranged his protégé's reappointment by President Grant.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 87–89</ref>  By 1876, Conkling was considering a run for the Presidency himself, but the selection of [[Rutherford B. Hayes]], a reformer, at the [[1876 Republican National Convention]] presaged problems for the machine boss.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 95–96; [[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 26–27</ref>  Arthur and the machine gathered campaign funds with their usual zeal, but Conkling limited his own campaign activities to a few speeches.<ref name=r100>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 100–105</ref>  Hayes's opponent, New York Governor [[Samuel J. Tilden]], carried New York but, after months of [[Electoral Commission (United States)|disputes over certain electoral votes]], lost the Presidency.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 106–107</ref>
  
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Arthur spent some of his childhood years living in [[Perry (village), New York|Perry, New York]]. One of Arthur's boyhood friends remembers Arthur's political abilities emerging at an early age:
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Hayes entered office having pledged to reform the patronage system; in 1877, he and Treasury Secretary [[John Sherman]] made Conkling's machine their first target.<ref name=r100/>  Sherman ordered a commission led by John Jay to investigate the New York Custom House.<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], pp. 318–319</ref> Jay, with whom Arthur had collaborated in the ''Lemmon'' case two decades earlier, suggested that the Custom House was so overstaffed with political appointments that 20% of the employees were expendable.<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], pp. 322–325; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 118–119; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 68–69</ref>  Sherman was less enthusiastic about the reforms than Hayes and Jay, but he approved the commission's report and ordered Arthur to make the personnel reductions.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 119–120</ref>  Arthur appointed a committee of Custom House workers to determine where the cuts were to be made and, after a written protest, carried them out.<ref name=reeves121>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 121–122</ref>  Notwithstanding his cooperation, the Jay Commission issued a second report critical of Arthur and other Custom House employees, and subsequent reports urging a complete reorganization.<ref name=reeves121/>
  
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<blockquote>When Chester was a boy, you might see him in the village street after a shower, watching the boys building a mud dam across the rivulet in the roadway. Pretty soon, he would be ordering this one to bring stones, another sticks, and others sod and mud to finish the dam; and they would all do his bidding without question. But he took good care not to get any of the dirt on his hands. (''New York Evening Post,'' [[April 2]], [[1900]]) </blockquote>
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Hayes further struck at the heart of the [[spoils system]] by issuing an [[Executive order (United States)|executive order]] that forbade assessments and barred federal office holders from "tak[ing] part in the management of political organizations, caucuses, conventions, or election campaigns".<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], pp. 322–325; [[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 121</ref> Arthur and his subordinates, [[Alonzo B. Cornell]] and [[George H. Sharpe]], refused to obey the president's order.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 121</ref>  Sherman encouraged Arthur to resign, offering him the [[United States Ambassador to France|consulship at Paris]] in exchange, but Arthur refused.<ref name=r123>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 123</ref>  In September 1877, Hayes demanded the three men's resignations, which they refused to give.<ref name=r123/>  Nonetheless, Hayes submitted appointments of [[Theodore Roosevelt, Sr.]], [[L. Bradford Prince]], and [[Edwin Atkins Merritt|Edwin Merritt]]—all supporters of [[William M. Evarts]], Conkling's New York rival—to the Senate for confirmation as their replacements.<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], p. 352; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 125–126</ref>  The Senate's Commerce Committee, which Conkling chaired, voted unanimously to reject the nominees, and the full Senate rejected Roosevelt and Prince by a vote of 31–25, confirming Merritt only because Sharpe's term had expired.<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], pp. 353–355; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 126–131</ref>
  
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Chester Arthur's Presidency was predicted by James Russel Webster, a Perry resident. A detailed account of this prediction is found in a self-written memorial for Webster.<ref>[http://www.rootsweb.com/~nyseneca/webster.htm James R. Webster, Seneca Co., NY - NYGenWeb, part of the USGenWeb Project<!-- Bot generated title -->]</ref> An excerpt from Webster's memorial;
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Arthur's job was thus saved, but only until July 1878 when Hayes took advantage of a Congressional recess to fire him and Cornell, and replace them by [[recess appointment]]s of Merritt and [[Silas W. Burt]], respectively.<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], pp. 370–371; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 136–137</ref><sup>[Note 6]</sup>  Conkling opposed the appointees' confirmation when the Senate reconvened in February 1879, but Merritt was approved by a vote of 31–25, as was Burt by 31–19, giving Hayes his most significant civil service reform victory.<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], pp. 382–384; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 138–148</ref>  After six years, Arthur found himself out of a job, but still a political power.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 150–151</ref>  In the state elections of 1879, he and Conkling worked to ensure that the Republican nominees for state offices would be men of Conkling's faction, who had become known as [[Stalwart (politics)|Stalwarts]].<ref name=r153>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 153–155; [[#peskin|Peskin]], p. 704</ref>  They were successful, but narrowly, as Cornell was nominated for governor by a vote of 234–216.<ref name=r153/>  Arthur and Conkling campaigned vigorously for the Stalwart ticket and, owing partly to a splintering of the Democratic vote, were victorious.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 153–155; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 96–99</ref>  Arthur and the machine had rebuked Hayes and their intra-party rivals, but Arthur had had only a few days to enjoy his triumph when, on January&nbsp;12, 1880, his wife died suddenly while he was in Albany organizing the political agenda for the coming year.<ref name=r158>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 158–159; [[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 38–39</ref> He was devastated, and never remarried.<ref name=r158/>
  
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[[Image:CAA-c1859.jpg|thumb|left|250px|Chester Alan Arthur (c. 1859)]]
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==Election of 1880==
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"He first attended the Baptist church in Perry, the pastor there being "Elder Arthur", father of Chester A. Arthur. The latter was then a little boy, and Mr. Webster, once calling at his house, put upon his head of the lad, remarked, "this little boy may yet be President of the United States." Years after, calling at the White House, he related the circumstances to President Arthur, who replied that he well remembered the incident although the name of the man who thus predicted his future had long since passed from his memory; then standing up he added. "You may place your hand upon my head again."
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{{main|United States presidential election, 1880}}
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[[File:1880RepublicanPoster.png|thumb|left|Garfield–Arthur campaign poster]]
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Conkling and his fellow Stalwarts wished to follow up their 1879 success at the [[1880 Republican National Convention]] by securing the nomination for their ally, ex-President Grant.<ref name=r160>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 160–165</ref>  Their opponents in the Republican party, known as [[Half-Breed (politics)|Half-Breeds]], concentrated their efforts on [[James G. Blaine]], a Senator from Maine who was more amenable to civil service reform.<ref name=r160/>  Neither candidate commanded a majority of delegates and, deadlocked after thirty-six ballots, the convention turned to a [[dark horse]], [[James A. Garfield]], an Ohio Congressman and Civil War General who was neither Stalwart nor Half-Breed.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 177–178; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 107–108; [[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 39–40</ref>  Garfield and his supporters knew they would face a difficult election without the support of the New York Stalwarts and decided to offer one of them the vice presidential nomination.<ref>[[#kara|Karabell]], p. 41; [[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 178</ref>  [[Levi P. Morton]] was the first choice of Garfield's supporters but, on Conkling's advice, refused to run.<ref>[[#howe|Howe]], pp. 107–108</ref>  They next approached Arthur.  Conkling advised him to also reject the nomination, believing the Republicans would lose.<ref name=r179>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 179–181</ref>  Arthur thought otherwise and accepted, telling Conkling, "The office of the Vice-President is a greater honor than I ever dreamed of attaining."<ref name=r179/><sup>[Note 7]</sup>  Conkling eventually reconciled himself with the nomination and campaigned for the [[Ticket (election)|ticket]].<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 190–194</ref>  As expected, the election was close. The Democratic nominee, General [[Winfield Scott Hancock]], was popular and, since he had not taken unpopular positions (or any positions at all) on the issues of the day, he had not offended any important constituencies.<ref>[[#jordan|Jordan]], pp. 292–305</ref>  As Republicans had done since the end of the Civil War, Garfield and Arthur initially focused their campaign on the "[[bloody shirt]]"—the idea that returning Democrats to office would undo the victory of the Civil War and reward [[Secession in the United States|secessionists]].<ref name=r194>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 194–196; [[#jordan|Jordan]], pp. 294–295</ref>  With the war fifteen years in the past and Union generals at the head of both tickets, the tactic was less effective than the Republicans hoped.<ref name=r194/>  Realizing this, they shifted their approach to claim that Democrats would lower the country's [[tariff|protective tariff]], which would allow more cheap manufactured goods to be imported from Europe, thereby putting thousands of workingmen out of work.<ref name=r196>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 196–197; [[#jordan|Jordan]], pp. 297–302</ref>  This argument struck home in the swing states of New York and [[Indiana]], where many were employed in manufacturing.<ref name=r196/>  Hancock did not help his own cause when, in an attempt to remain neutral on the tariff, he said that "[t]he tariff question is a local question", which only served to make him appear uninformed about an important issue.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 196; [[#jordan|Jordan]], p. 301</ref>  Candidates for high office did not personally campaign in those days, but Arthur played a part in the campaign in his usual fashion: raising money.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 198–202</ref>  The funds were crucial in the close election, and his home state of New York was pivotal.<ref name=r203>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 203–204</ref>  The Republicans carried New York by 20,000 votes and, in an election with the largest turnout of qualified voters ever recorded—78.4%—they won the nationwide popular vote by just 7,018 votes.<ref name=r203/>  The [[Electoral College (United States)|electoral college]] result was more decisive—214 to 155—and Garfield and Arthur were elected.<ref name=r203/>
  
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Arthur attended public schools and later attended [[Union College]] in [[Schenectady, New York]]. There he became a member of [[Psi Upsilon]], North America's fifth oldest [[Fraternities and sororities|college fraternity]], and graduated in 1848. While living outside of [[Hoosick Falls, New York]], he went back to Union College and received his Master's degree in 1851.
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==Vice Presidency==
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[[File:CAArthur-oathofoffice.jpg|thumb|alt=A group of men, one with his hand raised|Arthur taking the oath of office as administered by Judge [[John R. Brady]] at Arthur's home in New York City, September&nbsp;20, 1881.]]
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After the election, Arthur worked to persuade Garfield to fill certain positions—especially that of the Secretary of the Treasury—with his fellow New York Stalwarts.<ref name=r205>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 205–207</ref>  He was unsuccessful, and the Stalwart machine received a further rebuke when they discovered that Garfield planned to appoint Blaine, Conkling's arch-enemy, as Secretary of State.<ref name=r205/>  The running mates, never close, grew farther apart as Garfield continued to freeze out the Stalwarts from the patronage at his disposal.  Arthur's status in the administration fell further when, a month before inauguration day, he gave a speech in front of newspaper reporters that suggested the election in Indiana, a [[swing state]], had been won by illegal voting.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 213–216; [[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 52–53</ref>  Garfield ultimately appointed a Stalwart, [[Thomas Lemuel James]], to be Postmaster General, but the cabinet fight and Arthur's ill-considered speech left the President and Vice President estranged when they took their oaths of office on March&nbsp;4, 1881.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 216–219; [[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 54–56</ref>  The Senate in the [[47th United States Congress]] was divided among 37 Republicans, 37 Democrats, one independent ([[David Davis (Supreme Court justice)|David Davis]]) who announced he would [[Congressional caucus|caucus]] with the Democrats, one [[Readjuster Party|Readjuster]] ([[William Mahone]]) whose allegiance was uncertain, and four vacancies.<ref name=r220>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 220–223</ref>  Immediately, the Democrats attempted to organize the Senate, knowing that the vacancies would soon be filled by Republicans.<ref name=r220/>  As Vice President, Arthur cast [[List of tie-breaking votes cast by Vice Presidents of the United States|tie-breaking votes]] in favor of the Republicans when Mahone opted to join their caucus.<ref name=r220/>  Even so, the Senate remained deadlocked for two months over Garfield's nominations because of Conkling's opposition to some of them.<ref name=r223>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 223–230</ref>  Just before going into recess in May 1881, the situation became more complicated when Conkling and the other Senator from New York, [[Thomas C. Platt]], resigned in protest of Garfield's continuing opposition to their faction.<ref name=r230>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 230–233</ref>
  
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==Pre-political career==
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With the Senate in recess, Arthur had no duties in Washington and returned to New York City.<ref name=r233>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 233–237; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 147–149</ref>  Once there, he traveled with Conkling to [[Albany, New York|Albany]], where the former Senator had hoped for a quick re-election to the Senate and, thereby, a rebuke to the Garfield administration.<ref name=r233/><sup>[Note 8]</sup>  The Republican majority in the state legislature was divided on the question, to Conkling and Platt's surprise, and they found themselves fighting for their political lives.<ref name=r233/><sup>[Note 9]</sup>  While in Albany on July 2, word reached Arthur that Garfield had been shot.<ref name=r233/>  The assassin, [[Charles J. Guiteau]], was a deranged office-seeker who believed that assassinating Garfield would convince Arthur to appoint him to a patronage job; he proclaimed to onlookers: "I am a Stalwart, and Arthur will be President!"<ref>[[#kara|Karabell]], p. 59; [[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 237</ref>  Despite his claims of friendship with Arthur, the public soon learned that Guiteau was mentally unstable and unconnected with the Vice President.<ref name=r238>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 238–241; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 53–54</ref> More troubling was the lack of legal guidance on [[United States presidential line of succession|presidential succession]]: as Garfield lingered near death, no one was sure who, if anyone, could exercise presidential authority.<ref name=r241>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 241–243; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 152–154</ref> Moreover, after Conkling's resignation, the Senate had adjourned without electing a ''[[President pro tempore of the United States Senate|president pro tempore]],'' who would normally follow Arthur in the succession.<ref name=r241/>  Arthur was reluctant to be seen to act as President while Garfield lived, and the next two months saw a vacuum in the executive office, with Garfield too weak to carry out any of his duties and Arthur refusing to assume them.<ref name=r244>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 244–248; [[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 61–63</ref>  Through the summer, Arthur refused to travel to Washington and was at his [[Lexington Avenue (Manhattan)|Lexington Avenue]] home when, on the night of September&nbsp;19, he learned that Garfield had died.<ref name=r244/>  Judge [[John R. Brady]] of the [[New York Supreme Court]] administered the [[Oath of office of the President of the United States|oath of office]] in Arthur's home at 2:15&nbsp;a.m. the following day, and Arthur boarded a train for the nation's capital two days later.<ref name=r244/>
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Arthur became principal of North Pownal Academy in [[Pownal, Vermont|North Pownal, Vermont]] in 1849. He studied law and was admitted to the [[bar (law)|bar]] in 1854. Arthur commenced practice in [[New York City]].  He was one of the attorneys who successfully defended [[Elizabeth Jennings Graham]],  who was tried after being denied seating on a [[bus]] due to her race. Arthur also took an active part in the reorganization of the state [[militia]].
 
  
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During the [[American Civil War]], Arthur served as acting [[quartermaster]] general of the state in 1861 and was widely praised for his service. He was later commissioned as [[inspector general]], and appointed quartermaster general with the rank of [[brigadier general]] and served until 1862. After the war, he resumed the practice of law in New York City. With the help of Arthur's patron and [[political boss]] [[Roscoe Conkling]], Arthur was appointed by President [[Ulysses Grant]] as Collector of the Port of New York from 1871 to 1878.
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==Presidency 1881–1885==
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[[File:Arthur-cabinet.jpg|thumb|left|alt=Drawing of a group of men looking at another man|''On the threshold of office, what have we to expect of him?''<br />In an 1881 ''[[Puck (magazine)|Puck]]'' cartoon, Arthur faces the [[James Garfield#Administration and Cabinet|presidential cabinet]] after President [[James A. Garfield]] was assassinated. <!--On the wall hang three portraits of (''left to right'') [[Andrew Johnson]], [[Millard Fillmore]], and [[John Tyler]], three other Vice Presidents who succeeded to the presidency. A fourth frame hangs next to Johnson with no picture and a question mark underneath meant for Arthur's portrait.-->]]
  
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This was an extremely lucrative and powerful position at the time, and several of Arthur's predecessors had run afoul of the law while serving as collector. Honorable in his personal life and his public career, Arthur sided with the [[Stalwart (politics)|Stalwart]]s in the Republican Party, which firmly believed in the [[spoils system]] even as it was coming under vehement attack from reformers. He insisted upon honest administration of the [[Port Authority of New York and New Jersey|Customs House]] but nevertheless staffed it with more employees than it really needed, retaining some for their loyalty as party workers rather than for their skill as public servants.
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===Taking office===
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Arriving in Washington on September&nbsp;22, Arthur repeated the oath of office, this time administered by Chief Justice [[Morrison R. Waite]], because of concerns that a state judge may have lacked the authority to administer the presidential oath.<ref>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 53–54; [[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 248</ref>  He first resided at the home of Senator [[John P. Jones]] in anticipation of significant remodeling he had ordered for the White House, including the addition of an elaborate fifty-foot glass screen made by [[Louis Comfort Tiffany]].<ref name=r252>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 252–253, 268–269</ref>  Since Arthur was a widower, his sister, [[Mary Arthur McElroy]], served as White House hostess.<ref name=r252/>  Arthur rapidly became Washington's most eligible bachelor and his social life became the subject of many rumors, but he remained devoted only to the memory of his late wife.<ref name=r275>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 275–276</ref>  His son, Chester Jr., was then a freshman at [[Princeton University]] and his daughter, Nell, stayed in New York with a [[governess]] until 1882; when she arrived, Arthur attempted to shield her from the intrusions of the press as much as he could.<ref name=r275/>
  
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==The 1880 election and vice presidency==
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Arthur quickly came into conflict with Garfield's cabinet, most of whose members represented Republican factions that opposed him.  He asked the cabinet members to remain until December, when Congress would reconvene, but Treasury Secretary [[William Windom]] submitted his resignation in October to enter a Senate race in his home state of [[Minnesota]].<ref name=windom>[[#howe|Howe]], p. 160; [[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 254</ref>  Arthur replaced him with [[Charles J. Folger]], his friend and fellow New York Stalwart.<ref name=windom/>  Attorney General [[Wayne MacVeagh]] was next to resign, believing that, as a reformer, he had no place in an Arthur cabinet.<ref name=macveigh>[[#howe|Howe]], p. 161; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 254–255</ref>  Despite Arthur's personal appeal to remain, MacVeigh resigned in December 1881 and Arthur replaced him with [[Benjamin H. Brewster]], a [[Philadelphia]] lawyer and machine politician who was thought to have some reformist leanings.<ref name=macveigh/>  Blaine, arch-nemesis of the Stalwart faction, agreed to remain Secretary of State until Congress reconvened, and when it did so he departed immediately.<ref name=blaine>[[#howe|Howe]], pp. 160–161; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 255–257</ref>  Conkling expected Arthur to appoint him in Blaine's place, but the President instead chose [[Frederick Theodore Frelinghuysen|Frederick T. Frelinghuysen]] of New Jersey, a Stalwart recommended by ex-President Grant.<ref name=blaine/>  Frelinghuysen advised Arthur not to fill any future vacancies with Stalwarts, but when Postmaster General James resigned in January 1882, Arthur selected [[Timothy O. Howe]], a [[Wisconsin]] Stalwart, to replace him.<ref name=r257>[[#howe|Howe]], pp. 162–163; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 257–258</ref>  Navy Secretary [[William H. Hunt]] was next to resign, in April 1882, and Arthur attempted a more balanced approach by appointing [[William E. Chandler]] to the post, on Blaine's recommendation.<ref name=r257/>  Finally, when Interior Secretary [[Samuel J. Kirkwood]] resigned that same month, Arthur appointed [[Henry M. Teller]], a [[Colorado]] Stalwart to the office.<ref name=r257/>  Of the Cabinet members Arthur had inherited from Garfield, only Secretary of War [[Robert Todd Lincoln]] remained for the entirety of Arthur's term.<ref name=r257/>
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[[Image:Hayes-Arthur-NYcustoms.jpg|thumb|left|200px|[[President of the United States|President]] [[Rutherford B. Hayes]] kicking Arthur out of the [[Port Authority of New York and New Jersey|New York Customs House]].]]
 
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In 1878, Grant's successor, [[Rutherford Hayes]], attempted to reform the Customs House. He ousted Arthur, who resumed the practice of law in New York City. Conkling and his followers tried to win back power by the nomination of Grant for a third term at the [[1880 Republican National Convention]], but without success. Grant and [[James G. Blaine]] deadlocked, and after 36 ballots, the convention turned to [[dark horse]] [[James A. Garfield]], a long time Congressman and General in the Civil War.
 
  
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Knowing the election would be close, Garfield's people began asking a number of Stalwarts if they would accept the second spot. [[Levi P. Morton]], on Conkling's advice, refused, but Arthur accepted, telling his furious leader, "This is a higher honor than I have ever dreamt of attaining. I shall accept!"<ref>Sol Barzaman: Madmen and Geniuses; Follet Books Chicago 1974</ref> Conkling and his Stalwart supporters reluctantly accepted the nomination of Arthur as vice president.
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===Civil service reform===
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Arthur campaigned hard for his and Garfield's election, but it was a close contest, with the Garfield-Arthur ticket receiving a nationwide plurality of fewer than ten thousand votes.
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[[File:Chester A. Arthur by Ole Peter Hansen Balling.JPG|alt=Portrait of a man with a tremendous mustache|thumb|[[Ole Peter Hansen Balling]]'s 1881 portrait of Chester A. Arthur]]
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In the 1870s, the public became aware of a [[star route scandal|scandal]] in which contractors for [[Star routes|star postal routes]] were greatly overpaid for their services with the connivance of government officials (including Second Assistant Postal Secretary [[Thomas J. Brady]] and former Senator [[Stephen Wallace Dorsey]]).<ref name=star>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 93–95; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 297–298</ref>  This was an example of the kind of corruption that reformers feared Arthur would permit, and reformers grew concerned that the former supporter of the spoils system would not devote his administration's energy to continuing the investigation into the scandal.<ref name=star/>  Nevertheless, the new Attorney General, Brewster, continued the investigations begun by MacVeigh and hired notable Democratic lawyers William W. Ker and [[Richard T. Merrick]] in an attempt both to improve the prosecution team and avoid the appearance of political partisanship.<ref name=star2>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 299–300; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 182</ref>  Although Arthur had worked closely with Dorsey before taking office, once in office he supported the investigation and forced the resignation of officials suspected in the scandal.<ref name=star2/> An 1882 trial of the ringleaders resulted in convictions for two minor conspirators and a [[hung jury]] for the rest.<ref name=star3>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 301–302; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 185–189</ref> After a juror came forward with allegations that the defendants attempted to bribe him, the judge set aside the guilty verdicts and granted a new trial.<ref name=star3/>  Before the second trial began, Arthur removed five federal office holders who were sympathetic with the defense, including a former Senator.<ref name=star4>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 303–305; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 189–193</ref>  The second trial began in December 1882 and lasted until July 1883 and, again, did not result in a guilty verdict.<ref name=star4/>  Failure to obtain a conviction tarnished the administration's image, but Arthur did succeed in putting a stop to the fraud.<ref name=star4/>
  
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After the election, Conkling began making demands of Garfield as to appointments, and the Vice President-elect supported his longtime patron against his new boss. According to Ira Rutkow's recent biography of Garfield, the new president disliked the vice president, and he would not let him into his house.
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Garfield's assassination by a deranged office seeker amplified the growing public demand for civil service reform.<ref name=r320>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 320–324; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 96–97; [[#theriault|Theriault]], pp. 52–53, 56</ref>  Democratic and Republican leaders both realized that they could attract the votes of reformers by turning against the spoils system and, by 1882, the tide turned in favor of reform.<ref name=r320/>  As early as 1880, Democratic Senator [[George H. Pendleton]] of Ohio had introduced legislation that would allow for selection of civil servants based on merit as determined by an [[Civil service examination|examination]].<ref name=r320/>  In his first [[State of the Union address|annual Presidential address to Congress]] in 1881, Arthur requested civil service reform legislation and Pendleton again introduced his bill, but Congress did not pass it.<ref name=r320/>  Republicans lost seats in the 1882 congressional elections, in which Democrats campaigned on the reform issue.<ref>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 99–100; [[#theriault|Theriault]], pp. 57–63</ref>  As a result, the [[lame duck session]] of Congress was more amenable to civil service reform; the Senate approved Pendleton's bill 38–5 and the House soon concurred by a vote of 155–47.<ref name=r324>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 324; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 101–102</ref>  Arthur signed the [[Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act]] into law on January&nbsp;16, 1883.<ref name=r324/>  In just two years' time, an unrepentant Stalwart had become the president who ushered in long-awaited civil service reform.<ref name=r324/>
  
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Then, on [[July 2]] [[1881]], [[James A. Garfield|President Garfield]] was shot in the back by [[Charles J. Guiteau]], who shouted: "I am a [[Stalwart (politics)|Stalwart]] of the Stalwarts... Arthur is president now!!" Arthur's shock at the assassination was augmented by his mortification at Guiteau's claim of political kinship. (''Madmen and Geniuses'', Barzman, 1974)
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At first, the act applied only to 10% of federal jobs and, without proper implementation by the president, it could have gone no further.<ref name=r325>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 325–327; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 102–104</ref>  Even after he signed the act into law, its proponents doubted Arthur's commitment to reform.<ref name=r325/>  To their surprise, he acted quickly to appoint the members of the [[United States Civil Service Commission|Civil Service Commission]] that the law created, naming reformers [[Dorman Bridgeman Eaton]], [[John Milton Gregory]], and [[Leroy D. Thoman]] as commissioners.<ref name=r325/>  The chief examiner, [[Silas W. Burt]], was a long-time reformer who had been Arthur's opponent when the two men worked at the New York Customs House.<ref name=h209>[[#howe|Howe]], pp. 209–210</ref>  The commission issued its first rules in May 1883; by 1884, half of all postal officials and three-quarters of the [[United States Customs Service|Customs Service]] jobs were to be awarded by merit.<ref name=h209/>  That year, Arthur expressed satisfaction in the new system, praising its effectiveness "in securing competent and faithful public servants and in protecting the appointing officers of the Government from the pressure of personal importunity and from the labor of examining the claims and pretensions of rival candidates for public employment."<ref>{{cite web |url=http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Chester_A._Arthur%27s_Fourth_State_of_the_Union_Address |title=Fourth State of the Union Address |author=Chester A. Arthur |year=1884 |publisher=Wikisource, The Free Library |accessdate=July 15, 2011}}</ref>
  
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[[Image:Arthur-cabinet.jpg|thumb|right|200px|''On the threshold of office, what have we to expect of him?''<br/>In an 1881 [[Puck (magazine)|Puck]] cartoon, [[Vice President of the United States|Vice President]] Arthur faces the [[James Garfield#Administration and Cabinet|presidential cabinet]] after [[President of the United States|President]] [[James A. Garfield]] was fatally wounded by assassin [[Charles J. Guiteau]]. On the wall hang three portraits of (''left to right'') [[Andrew Johnson]], [[Millard Fillmore]] and [[John Tyler]], three other presidents who succeeded to the presidency. A fourth frame hangs next to Johnson with no picture and a question mark underneath meant for Arthur's portrait.]]
+
===Surplus and the tariff===
−
+
With high income held over from [[American Civil War|wartime]] taxes, coupled with debt management problems and the inability to pass a program for early debt retirement, the federal government had collected more revenue than it had spent since 1866 and, by 1882, the surplus had reached $145 million,<ref name=r328>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 328–329; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], p. 168</ref>  Opinions varied on how to [[Balanced budget|balance the budget]], but nonetheless these surpluses created a tendency to overspend.<ref name="Kim-Dwor">Lewis A.  Kimmel, ''Federal-Budget and Fiscal Policy 1789-1958'', (Washington, D. C.: The Brooking Institute, 1959). Cited in Dworsky: "The temptation to squander money was overwhelming; the Rivers and Harbors Act passed over (President) Arthur's veto in 1882 demonstrated how strongly it lay upon the Congress."</ref> Most Democrats wished to lower tariffs, in order to reduce revenues and lower the cost of imported goods.  Republicans largely disagreed, believing that high tariffs ensured high wages for men employed in manufacturing and [[natural resource extraction]].  They preferred that the government spend more on [[internal improvements]] and reduce [[excise]] taxes.<ref name=r328/>  Arthur mostly agreed with his party, and in 1882 called for the abolition of excise taxes on everything except liquor, as well as a simplification of the complex tariff structure.<ref name=r330>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 330–333; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 169–171</ref>  In May of that year, Representative [[William D. Kelley]] of Pennsylvania introduced a bill to establish a tariff commission.<ref name=r330/>  The bill passed and Arthur signed it into law but appointed mostly [[Protectionism|protectionists]] to the committee. Republicans were pleased with the committee's make-up but were surprised when, in December 1882, they submitted a report to Congress calling for tariff cuts averaging between 20 and 25%.  The commission's recommendations were ignored, however, as the [[United States House Committee on Ways and Means|House Ways and Means Committee]], dominated by protectionists, wrote the law to yield reductions of 10%.<ref name=r330/>  After conference with the Senate, the bill that emerged only reduced tariffs by an average of 1.47%.  The bill passed both houses narrowly on March&nbsp;3, 1883, the last full day of the [[47th United States Congress|47th Congress]].  Arthur signed the measure into law, but it did little to reduce the surplus.<ref name=r334>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 334–335</ref>
  
−
==Presidency 1881-1885==
+
At the same time and closely tied to the tariff and budget debate, Congress attempted to balance the budget from the other side of the ledger by spending on the 1882 [[Rivers and Harbors Act]] that contained the then-unprecedented expenditure of $19 million for internal improvements.<ref name=r280>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 280–282; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], p. 81</ref>  While Arthur was not opposed to internal improvements, the scale of the bill disturbed him, as did its focus on "particular localities," rather than on projects that benefited a large part of the nation.<ref name=r280/>  On August&nbsp;1, 1882, Arthur vetoed the bill to widespread popular acclaim.<ref name=r280/>  In his veto message, he wrote that his principal objection to the bill was that it appropriated funds for purposes "not for the common defense or general welfare, and which do not promote commerce among the States."<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 281</ref>  Congress [[Veto override|overrode]] his veto,<ref name=r280/> and the new law reduced the surplus by $19 million. Many Republicans considered the law a success at the time, but later believed the unpopular law contributed to their loss of seats in the elections of 1882.<ref>[[#howe|Howe]], pp. 196–197; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 281–282; [[#kara|Karabell]], p. 90</ref>
−
===Assumption of office===
 
−
[[Image:CAArthur-oathofoffice.jpg|thumb|left|200px|Arthur being administered the oath of office as [[President of the United States|President]] by Judge John R. Brady at his home in [[New York City]] after [[James A. Garfield|President Garfield's]] death, [[September 20]], [[1881]].]]
 
−
President Arthur took the oath of office twice. The first time was just past midnight at his Lexington Avenue residence on [[September 20]] by [[New York Supreme Court]] justice John R. Brady; the second time was upon his return to Washington two days later.
 
  
−
===Policies===
+
===Foreign affairs and immigration===
−
Arthur was aware of the factions and rivalries of the Republican Party, as well as the  controversies of [[cronyism]] versus [[civil service]] reform. Entering the presidency, Arthur believed that the only way to garner the nation's approval was to be independent from both factions. Arthur determined to go his own way once in the [[White House]].  He wound up replacing every member of Garfield's Cabinet except for Secretary of War [[Robert Todd Lincoln]].
+
[[File:The only one barred out cph.3b48680.jpg|thumb|alt=A Chinese man sitting outside a locked gate|A political cartoon from 1882, criticizing [[Chinese exclusion]]]]
 +
During the [[Presidency of James Garfield|Garfield administration]], Secretary of State [[James G. Blaine]] took the United States' diplomacy in [[Latin America]] in a new direction, urging reciprocal trade agreements and offering to mediate disputes among the Latin American nations.<ref name=d55>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 55–57; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 284–289</ref>  Blaine proposed holding a Pan-American conference in 1882 to discuss trade and an end to the [[War of the Pacific]] being fought by [[Bolivia]], [[Chile]], and [[Peru]].<ref name=d55/>  This represented a greater involvement in affairs south of the [[Rio Grande]] than the United States had previously attempted, and marked a significant shift in foreign policy.<ref name=d55/> Blaine did not remain in office long enough to see the effort through, and when [[Frederick Theodore Frelinghuysen|Frederick T. Frelinghuysen]] replaced him at the end of 1881, the conference efforts lapsed.<ref name=d129>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 129–132; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 289–293; [[#bastert|Bastert]], pp. 653–671</ref>  Frelinghuysen also discontinued Blaine's peace efforts in the War of the Pacific, fearing that the United States might be drawn into the conflict.<ref name=d129/>  Arthur and Frelinghuysen continued Blaine's efforts to encourage trade among the nations of the Western Hemisphere, and a treaty with [[Mexico]] providing for reciprocal tariff reductions was signed in 1882 and approved by the Senate in 1884.<ref name=d173>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 173–175; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 398–399, 409</ref>  The House declined to approve the legislation required to bring the treaty into force, however, rendering it a [[wikt:dead letter|dead letter]].<ref name=d173/> Similar efforts at reciprocal trade treaties with [[Santo Domingo]] and [[Spanish West Indies|Spain's American colonies]] were defeated by February 1885, and an existing reciprocity treaty with the [[Kingdom of Hawaii]] was allowed to lapse.<ref name=d175>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 175–178; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 398–399, 407–410</ref>
  
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He became a man of fashion in his manner of dress and in his associates; he was often seen with the elite of [[Washington, D.C.]], New York city and Newport. To the indignation of the Stalwarts, the onetime Collector of the Port of New York became, as President, a champion of civil service reform. In 1883, Congress passed the Pendleton Act, which established a bipartisan [[United States Civil Service Commission|Civil Service Commission]] which stopped big businesses from giving out rebates and pooling with other companies, forbade levying political assessments against officeholders, and provided for a "classified system" that made certain government positions obtainable only through competitive written examinations. The system protected employees against removal for political reasons.  
+
The 47th Congress spent a great deal of its time on the regulation of immigration, at times in accord with Arthur's wishes and at times against them.<ref name=h168>[[#howe|Howe]], pp. 168–169; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], p. 81</ref>  In July 1882, without significant opposition, Congress passed a bill regulating steamships that carried immigrants to the United States.<ref name=h168/>  To their surprise, Arthur vetoed it, citing problems in the bill's wording; Congress agreed to reword it, and he signed the revised measure.<ref name=h168/>  He also signed in August of that year the [[Immigration Act of 1882]], which levied a fifty-cent tax on immigrants to the United States, as well as excluding from entry the [[mentally ill]], the [[mentally retarded]], [[criminals]], or any person "unable to take care of himself or herself without becoming a public charge."<ref>[[#hutchinson|Hutchinson]], p. 162; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 169</ref>  A larger debate concerned the status of one particular group of immigrants: the Chinese.  In 1868, the Senate had ratified the [[Burlingame Treaty]] with China, allowing an unrestricted flow of [[Chinese American history|Chinese immigrants]] into the country.  As the economy soured after the [[Panic of 1873]], Chinese immigrants were blamed for depressing workmen's wages.<ref name=r277>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 277–278; [[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], pp. 387–389</ref>  In response, Congress passed a Chinese Exclusion Act in 1879, abrogating the 1868 treaty, which President Hayes vetoed.<ref name=r277/>  Three years later, after China had agreed to treaty revisions, Congress tried again to exclude Chinese immigrants.  Senator [[John Franklin Miller (senator)|John F. Miller]] of [[California]] introduced a [[Chinese Exclusion Act]] that would have denied Chinese immigrants United States citizenship and completely banned their immigration for the next twenty years.<ref name=r278/>  The bill passed the Senate and House by overwhelming margins, arriving at Arthur's desk in April 1882.<ref name=r278>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 278–279; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 81–84</ref>  Arthur vetoed the bill, seeing the twenty-year ban as a breach of the renegotiated treaty of 1880, which allowed only a "reasonable" suspension of immigration. Eastern newspapers praised the veto, but he was widely condemned in the Western states. Congress was unable to override the veto, instead passing a new bill that reduced the ban on Chinese immigration to ten years.  Although he still objected to the denial of citizenship to Chinese immigrants, Arthur signed the compromise measure into law on May&nbsp;6, 1882.<ref name=r278/><sup>[Note 10]</sup>
−
[[Image:Ca21.gif|thumb|Chester A. Arthur official White House portrait]]
 
−
Acting independently of party dogma, Arthur also tried to lower [[tariff]] rates so the government would not be embarrassed by annual surpluses of revenue. Congress raised about as many rates as it trimmed, but Arthur signed the Tariff Act of 1883 anyway. Aggrieved Westerners and Southerners looked to the [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic Party]] for redress, and the tariff began to emerge as a major political issue between the two parties.  
 
  
−
The Arthur Administration enacted the first general Federal [[immigration law]]. Arthur approved a measure in 1882 excluding [[paupers]], criminals, and the mentally ill. Congress also suspended [[Han Chinese|Chinese]] immigration for ten years with the [[Chinese Exclusion Act (United States)|Chinese Exclusion Act]], later making the restriction permanent.
+
===Naval reform===
 +
[[File:Squadron of Evolution (Hart).jpg|left|thumb|alt=Photograph of four warships|The "Squadron of Evolution" at anchor in 1889, after ''Yorktown'' had been added: ''Chicago'', ''Yorktown'', ''Boston'', ''Atlanta'']]
 +
In the years following the Civil War, [[United States Navy|American naval power]] declined precipitously, shrinking from nearly 700 vessels to just 52, most of which were obsolete.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 337; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], p. 145</ref>  The nation's military focus over the fifteen years before Garfield and Arthur's election had been on the [[American Indian wars|Indian wars]] in the West, rather than the high seas, but as the region was increasingly pacified, many in Congress grew concerned at the poor state of the Navy.<ref name=r338>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 338–341; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 145–147</ref>  Garfield's Secretary of the Navy, [[William H. Hunt]], advocated reform of the Navy and his successor, [[William E. Chandler]], appointed an advisory board to prepare a report on modernization.<ref>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 147–149</ref>  Based on the suggestions in the report, Congress appropriated funds for the construction of three steel [[protected cruiser]]s (''[[USS Atlanta (1884)|Atlanta]]'', ''[[USS Boston (1884)|Boston]]'', and ''[[USS Chicago (1885)|Chicago]]'') and an armed dispatch-steamer (''[[USS Dolphin (PG-24)|Dolphin]]''), collectively known as the "ABCD Ships" or the "[[Squadron of Evolution]]".<ref name=navy>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 342–343; [[#abbot|Abbot]], pp. 346–347</ref>  Congress also approved funds to rebuild four [[monitor (warship)|monitors]] (''[[USS Puritan (BM-1)|Puritan]]'', ''[[USS Amphitrite (BM-2)|Amphitrite]]'', ''[[USS Monadnock (BM-3)|Monadnock]]'', and ''[[USS Terror (BM-4)|Terror]],'') which had lain uncompleted since 1877.<ref name=navy/>  The contracts to build the ABCD ships were all awarded to the low bidder, [[John Roach & Sons]] of [[Chester, Pennsylvania|Chester]], Pennsylvania,<ref name=r343>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 343–345; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 149–151</ref> even though Roach once employed Secretary Chandler as a lobbyist.<ref name=r343/> Democrats turned against the "New Navy" projects and, when they won control of the [[48th United States Congress|48th Congress]], refused to appropriate funds for seven more steel warships.<ref name=r343/>  Even without the additional ships, the state of the Navy improved when, after several construction delays, the last of the new ships entered service in 1889.<ref name=r349>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 349–350; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 152–153</ref>
 +
{{-}}
  
−
In 1884, the [[International Meridian Conference]] was held in Washington at President Arthur's behest. This established the [[Prime Meridian|Greenwich Meridian]] which is still in use today.
+
===Civil rights===
 +
[[File:William Mahone.jpg|thumb|Arthur thought the Readjuster Party, led by [[William Mahone]], could succeed in advancing civil rights in Virginia where Republicans had failed.]]
 +
Like his Republican predecessors, Arthur struggled with the question of how his party was to challenge the Democrats in [[Southern United States|the South]] and how, if at all, to protect the civil rights of black southerners.<ref name=r306>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 306–308; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 105–108</ref>  Since the end of [[Reconstruction Era of the United States|Reconstruction]], conservative white Democrats (or "[[Bourbon Democrat]]s") had regained power in the South, and the Republican party dwindled rapidly as their primary supporters in the region, blacks, [[Disfranchisement after Reconstruction era|were disenfranchised]].<ref name=r306/>  One crack in the [[Solid South|solidly Democratic South]] emerged with the growth of a new party, the [[Readjuster Party|Readjusters]], in Virginia.<ref name=r307>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 307–309; [[#ayers|Ayers]], pp. 46–47</ref>  Having won an election in that state on a platform of more education funding (for black and white schools alike) and abolition of the [[poll tax]] and the [[pillory|whipping post]], many northern Republicans saw the Readjusters as a more viable ally in the South than the moribund southern Republican party.<ref name=r307/>  Arthur agreed, and directed the federal patronage in Virginia through the Readjusters rather than the Republicans.<ref name=r307/>  He followed the same pattern in other Southern states, forging coalitions with independents and [[Greenback Party]] members.<ref name=r307/>  Some black Republicans felt betrayed by the pragmatic gambit, but others (including [[Frederick Douglass]] and ex-Senator [[Blanche K. Bruce]]) endorsed the administration's actions, as the Southern independents had more liberal racial policies than the Democrats.<ref name=r310>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 310–313</ref>  Arthur's coalition policy was only successful in Virginia, however, and by 1885 the Readjuster movement began to collapse with the election of a Democratic president.<ref>[[#ayers|Ayers]], pp. 47–48</ref>  Other federal action on behalf of blacks was equally ineffective: when the Supreme Court struck down the [[Civil Rights Act of 1875]] in [[United States v. Harris|an 1883 decision]], Arthur expressed his disagreement with the decision in a message to Congress, but was unable to persuade Congress to pass any new legislation in its place.<ref>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 112–114</ref>  Arthur did, however, effectively intervene to overturn a [[court-martial]] ruling against a black [[United States Military Academy|West Point]] cadet, [[Johnson Chesnut Whittaker|Johnson Whittaker]], after the [[Judge Advocate General of the United States Army|Judge Advocate General of the Army]], [[David G. Swaim]], found the prosecution's case against Whittaker legally invalid and based on racial animus.<ref>[[#marszalek|Marszalek]], ''[[passim]].''</ref>  The administration faced a different challenge in the West, where [[The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints|the Mormon Church]] was under government pressure to stop the practice of [[polygamy]] in [[Utah Territory]].<ref name=d84>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 84–85</ref>  Garfield had believed polygamy was criminal behavior and was morally detrimental to family values, and Arthur's views were, for once, in line with his predecessor's.<ref name=d84/>  In 1882, he signed the [[Edmunds Act]] into law, making polygamy a federal crime and barring polygamists from public office.<ref name=d84/>
  
−
President Arthur demonstrated that he was above not only factions within the [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican Party]], but possibly the party itself. Perhaps, in part, he felt able to do this because of the well-kept secret he had known since a year after he succeeded to the Presidency, that he was suffering from [[Bright's Disease]], a fatal kidney disease.  This accounted for his failure to aggressively seek the Republican nomination for President in 1884.
+
===Indian policy===
−
Nevertheless, Arthur was the last incumbent President to submit his name for renomination and fail to obtain it.
+
The Arthur administration also dealt with changing relations with western [[Native Americans in the United States|American Indian]] tribes.<ref name=d85>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 85–89</ref>  The Indian Wars were winding down, and public sentiment was shifting toward more favorable treatment of Native Americans.  Arthur urged Congress to increase funding for Indian education, which it did in 1884, although not to the extent he wished.<ref name=d89>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 89–92; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 362–363</ref>  He also favored a move to the [[Allotment Era|allotment system]], under which individual Native Americans, rather than tribes, would own land.  Arthur was unable to convince Congress to adopt the idea during his administration but, in 1887, the [[Dawes Act]] changed the law to favor such a system.<ref name=d89/>  The allotment system was favored by liberal reformers at the time, but eventually proved detrimental to Native Americans as most of their land was resold at low prices to white [[Speculation|speculators]].<ref>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], p. 91; [[#stuart|Stuart]], pp. 452–454</ref>  During Arthur's presidency, settlers and cattle ranchers continued to encroach on Indian territory.<ref name=d89-90>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 89-90; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 362–363</ref> Arthur initially resisted their efforts, but after Secretary of the Interior [[Henry M. Teller]], an opponent of allotment, assured him that the lands were not protected, Arthur opened up the [[Crow Creek Reservation]] in the [[Dakota Territory]] to settlers by executive order in 1885.<ref name=d89-90/>  Arthur's successor, [[Grover Cleveland]], finding that title belonged to the Indians, revoked Arthur's order a few months later.<ref name=d89-90/>
  
−
Arthur sought  a full term as President in [[U.S. presidential election, 1884|1884]], but lost the Republican party's presidential nomination to former [[Speaker of the United States House of Representatives|Speaker of the House]] and [[United States Secretary of State|Secretary of State]] [[James G. Blaine]] of [[Maine]]. Blaine, however, lost the election to [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democrat]] [[Grover Cleveland]] of [[New York]].
+
===Health, travel, and renomination===
 +
[[File:President Chester A. Arthur Yellowstone National Park Expedition 1883.jpg|alt=A group of men seated in a forest|thumb|left|Arthur on an expedition in [[Yellowstone National Park]] along with [[Philip Sheridan]] and [[Robert Todd Lincoln]].]]
 +
Shortly after becoming President, Arthur was diagnosed with [[Bright's disease]], a [[kidney]] ailment now referred to as [[nephritis]].<ref name=r317>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 317–318; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 243–244</ref>  He attempted to keep his condition private, but by 1883 rumors of his illness began to circulate.<ref name=r317/>  By that time he had become thinner and more aged in appearance, as well as less energetic in keeping up with the demands of the presidency.<ref name=r317/>  Hoping to rejuvenate his health by getting out of Washington, Arthur and some political friends traveled to [[Florida]] in April 1883.<ref name=r355>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 355–359; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 244–246</ref>  The vacation had the opposite effect, and Arthur suffered from intense pain before returning to Washington.<ref name=r355/>  Later that year, on the advice of [[Missouri]] Senator [[George Graham Vest]], he visited [[Yellowstone National Park]].<ref name=r364>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 364–367; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 247–248</ref>  Reporters accompanied the presidential party, helping to publicize the new [[History of the National Park Service|National Park system]].<ref name=r364/>  The Yellowstone trip was more beneficial to Arthur's health than his Florida excursion, and he returned to Washington refreshed after two months of travel.<ref>[[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 124–125; [[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 366–367</ref>
  
−
===Significant events during presidency===
+
As the [[United States presidential election, 1884|1884 presidential election]] approached, [[James G. Blaine]] was thought to be the favorite for the Republican nomination, but Arthur, too, contemplated a run for a full term as President.<ref name=r368>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 368–371; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 254–257</ref>  In the months leading up to the [[1884 Republican National Convention]], however, Arthur began to realize that neither faction of the Republican party was prepared to give him their full support: the Half-Breeds were again solidly behind Blaine, while Stalwarts were undecided; some backed Arthur, with others considering Senator [[John A. Logan]] of Illinois.<ref name=r368/>  Reform-minded Republicans, friendlier to Arthur after he endorsed civil service reform, were still not certain enough of his reform credentials to back him over Senator [[George F. Edmunds]] of Vermont, who had long favored their cause.<ref name=r368/>  Business leaders supported him, as did Southern Republicans who owed their jobs to his control of the patronage, but by the time they began to rally around him, Arthur had decided against a serious campaign for the nomination.<ref name=r373>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 373–375; [[#doenecke|Doenecke]], pp. 181–182</ref>  He kept up a token effort, believing that to drop out would cast doubt on his actions in office and raise questions about his health, but by the time the convention began in June, his defeat was almost assured.<ref name=r373/>  Blaine led on the first ballot, and by the fourth ballot he had a majority.<ref name=r380>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 380–381; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 264–265</ref>  Arthur [[telegraph]]ed his congratulations to Blaine and accepted his defeat with equanimity.<ref name=r380/>  He played no role in the 1884 campaign, which Blaine would later say contributed to his loss that November to the Democratic nominee, [[Grover Cleveland]].<ref name=r387>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 387–389; [[#howe|Howe]], pp. 265–266</ref>
−
*[[Standard Oil Trust]](1882)
 
−
*[[Chinese Exclusion Act (United States)|Chinese Exclusion Act]] (1882)
 
−
*[[Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act]] (1883)
 
−
*[[Civil Rights Cases]] (1883)
 
  
−
===Administration and Cabinet===
+
===Administration and cabinet===
−
[[Image:Chester Alan Arthur-standing-left.jpg|thumb|310px|Chester A. Arthur]]
+
[[File:Chester_A_Arthur_by_Daniel_Huntington.jpeg|alt=Portrait of a man in a fur coat|thumb|right| Official White House portrait of Chester A. Arthur by [[Daniel Huntington]]]]
 
{{Infobox U.S. Cabinet
 
{{Infobox U.S. Cabinet
 
|align=left
 
|align=left
Line 123: Line 149:
 
|President start=1881
 
|President start=1881
 
|President end=1885
 
|President end=1885
−
|Vice President=Did not have a vice president.
+
|Vice President= ''None''
 
|Vice President start=1881
 
|Vice President start=1881
 
|Vice President end=1885
 
|Vice President end=1885
 
|State=[[James G. Blaine]]
 
|State=[[James G. Blaine]]
 
|State date=1881
 
|State date=1881
−
|State 2=[[Frederick T. Frelinghuysen]]
+
|State 2=[[Frederick Theodore Frelinghuysen|Frederick T. Frelinghuysen]]
 
|State start 2=1881
 
|State start 2=1881
 
|State end 2=1885
 
|State end 2=1885
Line 157: Line 183:
 
|Post start 3=1883
 
|Post start 3=1883
 
|Post end 3=1884
 
|Post end 3=1884
−
|Post 4=[[Frank Hatton (US politician)|Frank Hatton]]
+
|Post 4=[[Frank Hatton (U.S. politician)|Frank Hatton]]
 
|Post start 4=1884
 
|Post start 4=1884
 
|Post end 4=1885
 
|Post end 4=1885
Line 174: Line 200:
 
}}
 
}}
  
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===Supreme Court appointments===
+
===Judicial appointments===
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*[[Samuel Blatchford]] - 1882
+
{{Main|List of federal judges appointed by Chester A. Arthur|l1=Chester A. Arthur judicial appointments}}
−
*[[Horace Gray]] - 1882
+
Arthur made appointments to fill two vacancies on the [[United States Supreme Court]].  The first vacancy arose in July 1881 with the death of [[Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States|Associate Justice]] [[Nathan Clifford]], a Democrat who had been a member of the Court since before the Civil War.<ref name=r260>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 260–261; [[#howe|Howe]], p. 195</ref>  Arthur nominated [[Horace Gray]], a distinguished jurist from the [[Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court]] to replace him, and the nomination was easily confirmed.<ref name=r260/>  Gray would serve until 1902 and was the author of the court's [[majority opinion]] in ''[[United States v. Wong Kim Ark]],'' which overturned the section of the Chinese Exclusion Act that denied Chinese-Americans citizenship.  The second vacancy occurred when Associate Justice [[Ward Hunt]] retired in January 1882.  Arthur first nominated his old political boss, [[Roscoe Conkling]]; he doubted that Conkling would accept, but felt obligated to offer a high office to his former patron.<ref name=r260/>  The Senate confirmed the nomination but, as expected, Conkling declined it,<ref name=r260/> the last time a confirmed nominee declined his appointment.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.senate.gov/pagelayout/reference/nominations/Nominations.htm |title=Supreme Court Nominations, present-1789 |publisher=U.S. Senate |accessdate=February 11, 2012}}</ref> Senator George Edmunds was Arthur's next choice, but he declined to be considered.<ref>[[#doenecke|Doenecke]], p. 76</ref>  Instead, Arthur nominated [[Samuel Blatchford]], a judge on the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit|Second Circuit Court of Appeals]] for the last fifteen years.<ref name=r260/>  Blatchford accepted, and his nomination was approved within two weeks.<ref name=r260/>  Blatchford served on the Court until his death in 1893.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.fjc.gov/servlet/nGetInfo?jid=192&cid=999&ctype=na&instate=na |title=Blatchford, Samuel M. |work=Biographical Directory of Federal Judges |publisher=Federal Judicial Center |accessdate=July 27, 2011}}</ref>
 +
 
 +
==Retirement and death==
 +
[[File:Chet Arthur Mad Sq jeh.JPG|alt=Bronze statue of a man in a city park|thumb|upright|Chester A. Arthur statue at [[Madison Square]] in [[New York City]]]]
 +
Arthur left office in 1885 and returned to his New York City home.  Two months before the end of his term, several New York Stalwarts approached him to request that he run for United States Senate, but he declined, preferring to return to his old law practice at Arthur, Knevals & Ransom.<ref name=r412>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 412–414</ref>  His health limited his activity with the firm, and Arthur served only [[of counsel]].  He took on few assignments with the firm and was often too ill to leave his house.<ref name=r416>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 416–418</ref>  He managed a few public appearances, up until the end of 1885.<ref name=r416/>
 +
 
 +
After summering in [[New London, Connecticut]], in 1886, he returned quite ill and, on November&nbsp;16, ordered nearly all of his papers, both personal and official, burned.<ref name=r416/><sup>[Note 11]</sup>  The next morning, Arthur suffered a [[cerebral hemorrhage]] and never regained consciousness; he died the following day at the age of 57.<ref name=r416/>  On November&nbsp;22, a private funeral was held at the [[Church of the Heavenly Rest]] in New York City, attended by President Cleveland and ex-President Hayes, among other notables.<ref name=r418>[[#reeves|Reeves]], pp. 418–419</ref>  Arthur was buried next to the graves of many of his family members and ancestors in the [[Albany Rural Cemetery]] in [[Menands, New York]]. He was laid beside his wife in a [[sarcophagus]] on a large corner of the plot.<ref name=r416/>
  
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===States admitted to the Union===
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==See also==
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''None''
+
* [[Arthur Cottage]], ancestral home, [[Cullybackey]], [[County Antrim]], [[Northern Ireland]]
  
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===Social and personal life===
+
==Notes==
−
[[Image:Ellen Arthur.jpg|thumb|right|250px|[[Ellen Lewis Herndon Arthur]]]]
+
1. Some older sources list the date as October&nbsp;5, 1830,<ref>[[#howe|Howe]], p. 5</ref> but biographer [[Thomas C. Reeves]] confirms that this is incorrect: Arthur claimed to be a year younger "out of simple vanity."<ref name=reeves5>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 5</ref>
−
Arthur married [[Ellen "Nell" Lewis Herndon]]<ref>[http://www.whitehouse.gov/history/firstladies/ea21.html Ellen "Nell" Lewis Herndon's biography via Whitehouse.gov]</ref> on [[October 25]], [[1859]]. She was the only child of Elizabeth Hansbrough and Captain [[William Lewis Herndon]] [[United States Navy|USN]]. She was a favorite niece of Commander [[Matthew Fontaine Maury]], USN of the [[United States Naval Observatory]] where her father had worked.
 
  
−
In 1860, Chester Arthur and "Nell" had a son, William Lewis Herndon Arthur, who was named after Ellen's father. This son died at age two of a brain disease. Another son, Chester Alan Arthur II, was born in 1864, and a girl, named Ellen Hansbrough Herndon after her mother, in 1871.  (Ellen "Nell" Arthur died of [[pneumonia]] on [[January 12]], [[1880]], at the early age of 42, only twenty months before Arthur became President. Arthur stated that he would never remarry and, while in the White House, asked his sister Mary, the wife of writer John E. McElroy, to assume certain social duties and help care for his daughter. President Arthur also had a memorial to his beloved "Nell"&mdash;a stained glass window was installed in [[St. John's Episcopal Church, Washington, D.C.|St. John's Episcopal Church]] within view of his office and had the church light it at night so he could look at it. The memorial remains to this day.)
+
2. Arthur pronounced his middle name with the accent on the second syllable.<ref name=reeves5/>
  
−
Arthur is remembered as one of the most society-conscious presidents, earning the nickname "the Gentleman Boss" for his style of dress and courtly manner. Professor Marina Margaret Heiss at the University of Viriginia lists Arthur as an example of an [[INTJ]] personality.<ref name="INTJ personality">{{cite web|url=http://typelogic.com/intj.html|title=INTJ personality|accessdate=2007-06-29}}</ref>
+
3. The [[Twelfth Amendment to the United States Constitution]] applies that clause, which specifically restricts presidential eligibility, to would-be vice presidents, as well: "no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President".
  
−
Upon taking office, Arthur did not move into the [[White House]] immediately. He insisted upon its redecoration and had 24 wagonloads of furniture, some including pieces dating back to [[John Adams]]' term, carted away and burned.{{Fact|date=March 2008}} Former president [[Rutherford B. Hayes]] bought two wagonloads of furniture which today are at his home [[Spiegel Grove]]. Arthur then commissioned [[Louis Comfort Tiffany]] to replace them with new pieces. A famous designer now best-known for his [[stained glass]], Tiffany was among the foremost designers of the day.<ref>Mitchell, Sarah E. "Louis Comfort Tiffany's work on the White House." 2003.[http://www.vintagedesigns.com/fam/wh/tiff/]</ref>
+
4. $10,000 in 1870 is equal to $184,000 in present terms.{{Inflation-fn|US}}
  
−
Arthur was a [[fisherman]] who belonged to the Restigouche Salmon Club and once reportedly caught an 80-pound [[bass (fish)|bass]] off the coast of [[Rhode Island]].
+
5. $50,000 in 1871 is equal to $$970,000 in present terms.{{Inflation-fn|US}}
  
−
Widely popular by the end of his presidency, four young women (ignorant of Arthur's pronouncement that he would never marry again) proposed to him on the day he left office.  He was sometimes called "Elegant Arthur" for his commitment to fashionable attire and was said to have "looked like a president." He reportedly kept 80 pairs of pants in his wardrobe and changed pants several times a day. He was called "Chet" by family and friends, and by his middle name, with the stress on the second syllable ("Al-''AN''").
+
6. [[Charles K. Graham]] filled Merritt's former position.<ref>[[#hoog|Hoogenboom]], p. 370</ref>
  
−
==Post presidency==
+
7. Biographer George Howe takes this exchange at face value,<ref>[[#howe|Howe]], p. 109</ref> but later biographers suspect it may be apocryphal.<ref>[[#reeves|Reeves]], p. 179; [[#kara|Karabell]], pp. 40–41</ref>
−
[[Image:Chester Arthur grave.jpg|thumb|right|240px|Arthur's grave at [[Albany Rural Cemetery]].]]
 
−
Arthur served as President through [[March 4]], [[1885]]. Upon leaving office, he returned to New York City.  He encouraged the notion that he might run for the U.S. Senate in 1886, but was unable to gather enough support from his former Stalwart colleagues. In any event, his health failed rapidly and he died of a massive [[cerebral hemorrhage]] at 5:10 a.m. on Thursday, [[November 18]], [[1886]], at the age of 57. Arthur suffered from [[Bright's disease]], and his death was most likely related to a history of [[hypertension]].
 
  
−
His [[List of United States Presidents by age|post presidency]] was the second shortest, longer only than that of [[James K. Polk|James Polk]] (excluding presidents who died in office).
+
8. Before the passage of the [[Seventeenth Amendment to the United States Constitution]], Senators were elected by state legislatures.
  
−
Chester was buried next to Ellen in the Arthur family plot in the [[Albany Rural Cemetery]] in [[Menands, New York]], in a large sarcophagus on a large corner plot that contains the graves of many of his family members and ancestors.
+
9. Conkling and Pratt were ultimately denied re-election, being succeeded by [[Elbridge G. Lapham]] and [[Warner Miller]], respectively.
  
−
==Media and modern cultural references==
+
10. The portion of the law denying citizenship to Chinese-Americans would be found unconstitutional in ''[[United States v. Wong Kim Ark]]'' in 1898.
−
*During the movie ''[[Die Hard with a Vengeance]]'', [[John McClane]], played by actor [[Bruce Willis]] is asked a riddle by Simon, the movie's [[antagonist]], "What is 21 out of 42?".  Together with Zeus Carver, McClane figures out that there have been 42 Presidents of the United States, but they are unable to remember who the 21<sup>st</sup> was. Later, a truck driver tells McClane that the 21<sup>st</sup> president was Chester A. Arthur, and identifies a school in which Simon claims to have placed a bomb — it is later found to be Chester A. Arthur Elementary School.
 
  
−
*In the ''[[Futurama]]'' episode "[[The Day the Earth Stood Stupid]]", Arthur is shown briefly when [[Philip J. Fry|Fry]] attempts to re-educate his co-workers. He appears in a later episode as a mourner at Fry's funeral.
+
11. A small number of Arthur's papers survived and passed to his grandson, [[Gavin Arthur]], who allowed Arthur's biographer, Thomas C. Reeves, to examine them the 1970s.<ref>[[#reeves72|Reeves 1972]], ''passim''.</ref>
  
−
*In the ''[[Simpsons]]'' episode "[[I Love Lisa]]", [[Bart Simpson]] portrays a [[Terminator]]-style [[John Wilkes Booth]], threatening "You're next, Chester A. Arthur!" after shooting [[Abe Lincoln]], who is played by [[Milhouse Van Houten]] in the school play.
+
==References==
 +
{{Reflist|colwidth=20em}}
  
−
==See also==
+
==Sources==
−
{{portal|United States Army|United States Department of the Army Seal.svg}}
+
{{refbegin}}
−
{{portal|American Civil War}}
+
'''Books'''
−
*[[List of American Civil War generals#A| List of American Civil War generals]]
+
* {{cite book |title=The Naval History of the United States |volume=2 |last=Abbot |first=Willis J. |authorlink=Willis J. Abbot |publisher=Peter Fenelon Collier |year=1896 |oclc=3453791 |url=http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/26416 |ref=abbot}}
 +
*{{cite book |title=The Promise of the New South: Life After Reconstruction |last=Ayers |first=Edward L. |authorlink=Edward L. Ayers |year=2007 |origyear=1992 |publisher=Oxford University Press, USA |location=New York |isbn=0195326881 |ref=ayers}}
 +
*{{cite book |title=The Presidencies of James A. Garfield and Chester A. Arthur |last=Doenecke |first=Justus D. |year=1981 |publisher=University Press of Kansas |location=Lawrence, Kansas |isbn=0700602089 |ref=doenecke}}
 +
* {{cite book |author=Hoogenboom, Ari |title=Rutherford Hayes: Warrior and President|year=1995 |publisher=University Press of Kansas| location=Lawrence, Kansas |isbn=9780700606412 |ref=hoog}}
 +
*{{cite book |title=Chester A. Arthur, A Quarter-Century of Machine Politics |last=Howe |first=George F. |year=1966 |origyear=1935 |publisher=F. Ungar Pub. Co |location=New York |asin=B00089DVIG |ref=howe}}
 +
*{{cite book |title=Winfield Scott Hancock: A Soldier's Life |last=Jordan |first=David M. |year=1988 |publisher=Indiana University Press |location=Bloomfield, Indiana |isbn=0253365805 |ref=jordan}}
 +
*{{cite book |title=Chester Alan Arthur |last=Karabell |first=Zachary |authorlink=Zachary Karabell |year=2004 |publisher=Henry Holt & Co |location=New York |isbn=0805069518 |ref=kara}}
 +
*{{cite book |title=Gentleman Boss: The Life of Chester A. Arthur |last=Reeves |first=Thomas C. |authorlink=Thomas C. Reeves |year=1975 |publisher=Alfred A. Knopf |location=New York |isbn=0394460952 |ref=reeves}}
  
−
==Notes==
+
'''Articles'''
−
{{reflist}}
+
*{{cite journal |title=Diplomatic Reversal: Frelinghuysen's Opposition to Blaine's Pan-American Policy in 1882 |journal=The Mississippi Valley Historical Review |first=Russell H. |last=Bastert |volume=42 |issue=4 |month=March |year=1956 |page=653 |jstor=1889232 |ref=bastert |pages=653–671 |doi=10.2307/1889232}}
 +
*{{cite journal |title=The Present Status of Our Immigration Laws and Policies |journal=The Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly |first=C.P. |last=Hutchinson |volume=25 |issue=2 |month=April |year=1947 |page=161 |jstor=3348178 |ref=hutchinson |pages=161–173 |doi=10.2307/3348178}}
 +
*{{cite journal |title=A Black Cadet At West Point |journal=American Heritage |first=John F. |last=Marszalek, Jr. |authorlink=John F. Marszalek |volume=22 |issue=5 |month=August |year=1971 |url=http://www.americanheritage.com/content/black-cadet-west-point?page=show |ref=marszalek}}
 +
*{{cite journal |title=Who Were the Stalwarts? Who Were Their Rivals? Republican Factions in the Gilded Age |journal=Political Science Quarterly |first=Allan |last=Peskin |volume=99 |issue=4 |month=Winter |year=1984 |page=703 |jstor=2150708 |ref=peskin |pages=703–716 |doi=10.2307/2150708}}
 +
*{{cite journal |title=The Search for the Chester Alan Arthur Papers |journal=The Wisconsin Magazine of History |first=Thomas C. |last=Reeves |volume=55 |issue=4 |month=Summer |year=1972 |jstor=4634741 |ref=reeves72 |pages=310–319}}
 +
*{{cite journal |title=In Defense of Chester Arthur |journal=The Wilson Quarterly |first=Sybil |last=Schwartz |volume=2 |issue=4 |month=Autumn |year=1978 |page=180 |jstor=40255548 |ref=schwartz |pages=180–184}}
 +
*{{cite journal |title=United States Indian Policy: From the Dawes Act to the American Indian Policy Review Commission |journal=Social Service Review |first=Paul |last=Stuart |volume=51 |issue=3 |month=September |year=1977 |page=451 |jstor=30015511 |ref=stuart |pages=451–463 |doi=10.1086/643524}}
 +
*{{cite journal |title=Patronage, the Pendleton Act, and the Power of the People |journal=The Journal of Politics |first=Sean M. |last=Theriault |volume=65 |issue=1 |month=February |year=2003 |page=50 |jstor=3449855 |ref=theriault |pages=50–68}}
 +
{{refend}}
  
 
==External links==
 
==External links==
−
{{wikisource author}}
+
* [http://www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/presidents/arthur/index.html Chester Arthur: A Resource Guide] from the Library of Congress
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{{wikiquote}}
+
* {{CongBio|A000303}} Retrieved on 2008-09-28
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{{Commons}}
+
* [http://www.whitehouse.gov/history/presidents/ca21.html White House Biography]
−
*[http://www.millercenter.virginia.edu/index.php/academic/americanpresident/arthur Extensive essay on Chester Arthur and shorter essays on each member of his cabinet and First Lady from the Miller Center of Public Affairs]
+
* {{gutenberg author |id=Chester_Alan_Arthur | name=Chester Alan Arthur}}
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*{{CongBio|A000303}}
+
*[http://americanpresidents.org/presidents/president.asp?PresidentNumber=21 Chester A. Arthur] at [[C-SPAN]]'s ''[[American Presidents: Life Portraits]]''
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*[http://www.whitehouse.gov/history/presidents/ca21.html White House Biography]
 
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*{{gutenberg author | id=Chester_Alan_Arthur | name=Chester Alan Arthur}}
 
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*[http://www.usa-presidents.info/union/arthur-1.html First State of the Union Address of Chester A. Arthur]
 
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*[http://www.usa-presidents.info/union/arthur-2.html Second State of the Union Address of Chester A. Arthur]
 
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*[http://www.usa-presidents.info/union/arthur-3.html Third State of the Union Address of Chester A. Arthur]
 
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*[http://www.usa-presidents.info/union/arthur-4.html Fourth State of the Union Address of Chester A. Arthur]
 
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*[http://www.potus.com/caarthur.html POTUS - Chester Alan Arthur]
 
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*[http://www.doctorzebra.com/prez/g21.htm Medical and Health history of Chester A. Arthur]
 
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*[http://www.chesteraarthursociety.org Chester A. Arthur Society]
 
  
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{| class="navbox collapsible collapsed" style="width:100%; margin:auto;"
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! style="background:#ccf;"|{{space|12}}<span style="font-size:110%;">Offices and distinctions</span>
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{{s-bef|before=[[John F. Smyth|John Smyth]]}}
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|-
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{{s-ttl|title=[[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]] [[List of United States Republican Party presidential tickets|nominee]] for [[Vice President of the United States]]|years=[[United States presidential election, 1880|1880]]}}
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{{Persondata
 
{{Persondata
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|NAME             = Arthur, Chester Alan
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|NAME = Arthur, Chester Alan
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|ALTERNATIVE NAMES =  
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|ALTERNATIVE NAMES =
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|SHORT DESCRIPTION = American politician, lawyer
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|SHORT DESCRIPTION = American politician, lawyer, [[Union (American Civil War)|Union]] [[Union Army|Army]] [[General officer|general]]
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|DATE OF BIRTH     = [[October 5]], [[1829]]
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|DATE OF BIRTH = October 5, 1829
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|PLACE OF BIRTH   = [[Fairfield, Vermont]]
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|PLACE OF BIRTH = [[Fairfield, Vermont]]
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|DATE OF DEATH     = [[November 18]], [[1886]]
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|DATE OF DEATH = November 18, 1886
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|PLACE OF DEATH   = New York City, New York, United States
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|PLACE OF DEATH = [[New York City]], [[New York]]
 
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Latest revision as of 13:08, 5 March 2012

Template:Infobox Officeholder

Chester Alan Arthur (October 5, 1829 – November 18, 1886) was the 21st President of the United States (1881–1885). Becoming President after the assassination of President James A. Garfield, Arthur struggled to overcome suspicions of his beginnings as a politician from the New York City Republican machine, succeeding at that task by embracing the cause of civil service reform. His advocacy for, and enforcement of, the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act was the centerpiece of his administration.

Born in Fairfield, Vermont, Arthur grew up in upstate New York and practiced law in New York City. He devoted much of his time to Republican politics and quickly rose in the political machine run by New York Senator Roscoe Conkling. Appointed by President Ulysses S. Grant to the lucrative and politically powerful post of Collector of the Port of New York in 1871, Arthur was an important supporter of Conkling and the Stalwart faction of the Republican Party. In 1878 he was replaced by the new president, Rutherford B. Hayes, who was trying to reform the federal patronage system in New York. When James Garfield won the Republican nomination for President in 1880, Arthur was nominated for Vice President to balance the ticket by adding an eastern Stalwart to it.

After just half a year as Vice President, Arthur found himself, unexpectedly, in the Executive Mansion. To the surprise of reformers, Arthur took up the reform cause that had once led to his expulsion from office. He signed the Pendleton Act into law, and enforced its provisions vigorously. He won plaudits for his veto of a Rivers and Harbors Act that would have appropriated federal funds in a manner he thought excessive. He presided over the rebirth of the United States Navy but was criticized for failing to alleviate the federal budget surplus that had been accumulating since the end of the American Civil War. Suffering from poor health, Arthur made only a limited effort to secure renomination in 1884; he retired at the close of his term. As journalist Alexander McClure would later write, "No man ever entered the Presidency so profoundly and widely distrusted as Chester Alan Arthur, and no one ever retired ... more generally respected, alike by political friend and foe."[1] Although his failing health and political temperament combined to make his administration less active than a modern presidency, he earned praise among contemporaries for his solid performance in office. The New York World summed up Arthur's presidency at his death in 1886: "No duty was neglected in his administration, and no adventurous project alarmed the nation."[2]

Early life

Birth and family

Chester Alan Arthur was born October 5, 1829, in Fairfield, Vermont.[Note 1] His father, William Arthur, was born just outside the village of Cullybackey, County Antrim, Ireland, and emigrated to Dunham, Lower Canada (in present-day Quebec) in 1818 or 1819 after graduating from Belfast College.[3] Arthur's mother, Malvina Stone, was born in Vermont, the daughter of George Washington Stone and Judith Stevens. Malvina's family was primarily of English descent, and her grandfather, Uriah Stone, fought in the Continental Army during the American Revolution.[3] Arthur's mother met his father while he was teaching at a school in Dunham, just over the border from her native Vermont, and the two soon married.[3] After their first child, Regina, was born in Dunham, the Arthurs moved around Vermont in quick succession to Burlington, Jericho, and Waterville, as William moved to jobs with different schools.[3] In Waterville, William Arthur departed from his Presbyterian upbringing and joined the Free Will Baptists, spending the rest of his life as a minister in that sect.[3] He also became an outspoken abolitionist, which at times made him unpopular with parts of his congregations and contributed to the family's frequent moves.[4] In 1828, the family moved again, to Fairfield, where Chester Alan Arthur was born the following year.[5] He was named "Chester" after Chester Abell, the physician and family friend who assisted in his birth, and "Alan" after his paternal grandfather.[Note 2] After Arthur's birth, the family remained in Fairfield until 1832, when the elder Arthur's profession took them on the road again to several towns in Vermont and upstate New York, finally settling in the Schenectady area.[6]

William Arthur's frequent moves would later form the basis for accusations that Chester Arthur was not a native-born citizen of the United States. After Arthur was nominated for Vice President in 1880, his political opponents suggested that he might be constitutionally ineligible to hold that office.[7] A New York attorney, Arthur P. Hinman, apparently hired by his opponents, explored rumors of Arthur's foreign birth.[8] Hinman initially alleged that Arthur was born in Ireland and did not come to the United States until he was fourteen years old, which would make him ineligible for the Vice Presidency under the United States Constitution's natural-born citizen clause.[8][Note 3] When that story did not take root, Hinman spread a new rumor that Arthur was born in Canada, but this claim also failed to gain credence.[8]

Education

Arthur spent some of his childhood years living in Perry and Greenwich, New York. During his time at school, his first political inclinations were to support the Whig Party, and he joined other young Whigs in support of Henry Clay, even participating in a brawl against those students supporting James K. Polk.[6] He also showed his support for the Fenian Brotherhood by wearing a green coat.[9] Arthur enrolled in Union College in 1845 where he studied the traditional classical curriculum.[6] As a senior there in 1848, at age 18, he was elected to Phi Beta Kappa and was president of the debate society.[9] During his winter breaks, Arthur taught school in Schaghticoke.[9]

After graduating, Arthur returned to Schaghticoke and taught school full-time, but soon began to pursue an education in the law.[10] While studying law, he continued teaching, moving closer to home by taking a job teaching in North Pownal, Vermont.[10] Coincidentally, future President James A. Garfield would teach penmanship at the same school three years later, but the two did not cross paths.[11] In 1852, Arthur moved again, to Cohoes, New York, to become the principal of a school at which his sister Malvina was a teacher.[11] After saving enough money, and studying at State and National Law School in Ballston Spa, he moved to New York City the following year to read law at the law office of Erastus D. Culver, an abolitionist lawyer and family friend.[12] When Arthur was admitted to the bar in 1854, he joined the firm, which was renamed Culver, Parker, and Arthur.[13]

Early career

File:Chester A Arthur 1859.png
Arthur as a young lawyer

New York lawyer

When Arthur joined the firm, Culver and New York attorney John Jay (the grandson of the Founding Father of the same name) were pursuing a habeas corpus action against Jonathan Lemmon, a Virginia slaveholder who was passing through New York with his eight slaves.[14] In Lemmon v. New York, Culver argued that, as New York law did not permit slavery, any slave arriving in New York was automatically freed.[14] The argument was successful, and after several appeals was upheld by the New York Court of Appeals in 1860.[14] Campaign biographers would later give Arthur much of the credit for the victory; in fact his role was minor, although he was certainly an active participant in the case.[15] In another civil rights case in 1854, Arthur was the lead attorney representing Elizabeth Jennings Graham after she was denied a seat on a streetcar because she was black.[15] He won the case, and the verdict led to the desegregation of the New York City streetcar lines.[15]

In 1856, Arthur courted Ellen Herndon, the daughter of William Lewis Herndon, a Virginia naval officer.[16] The two were soon engaged to be married.[17] Later that year, he started a new law partnership with a friend, Henry D. Gardiner, and traveled with him to Kansas to consider purchasing land and setting up a law practice there.[15] At that time, the state was the scene of a brutal struggle between pro-slavery and anti-slavery forces, and Arthur lined up firmly with the latter.[18] The rough frontier life did not agree with the genteel New Yorkers; after three or four months the two young lawyers returned to New York City, where Arthur comforted his fiancée after her father was lost at sea in the wreck of the SS Central America.[18] In 1859, they were married at Calvary Episcopal Church in Manhattan.[19] After his marriage, Arthur devoted his efforts to building his law practice, but also found time to engage in Republican party politics.[20]

Civil War

File:Ellen Arthur.jpg
Arthur married Ellen Herndon in 1859.

In 1860, Arthur was appointed to the military staff of Governor Edwin D. Morgan.[20] The office was a patronage appointment of minor importance until the outbreak of the Civil War in April 1861, when New York and the other northern states were faced with raising and equipping armies of a size never before seen in American history.[21] Arthur was given the rank of brigadier general and assigned to the quartermaster department.[21] He was so efficient at housing and outfitting the troops that poured into New York City that he was promoted within the state militia to inspector general in February 1862, and then to quartermaster general that July.[22] He had an opportunity to serve at the front when the 9th New York Volunteer Infantry Regiment elected him colonel early in the war, but at Governor Morgan's request, he turned it down to remain at his post in New York.[23] The closest Arthur came to the front was when he traveled south to inspect New York troops near Fredericksburg, Virginia, in May 1862, shortly after forces under Major General Irwin McDowell seized the town during the Peninsula Campaign.[24] That summer, he and other representatives of northern governors met with Secretary of State William H. Seward in New York to coordinate the raising of additional troops, and spent the next few months enlisting New York's quota of 120,000 men.[24] Arthur received plaudits for his work, but his post was a political one, and he was relieved of his office in January 1863 when Governor Horatio Seymour, a Democrat, took office.[25]

Arthur returned to his law practice in 1863 and the firm of Arthur & Gardiner flourished.[26] Even as his professional life improved, however, Arthur and his wife experienced a personal tragedy as their only child, William, died suddenly that year at the age of three.[27] The couple took their son's death hard, and when they had another son, Chester Alan Jr., in 1864, they lavished attention on him.[28] They would also have a daughter, Ellen, in 1871. Both children survived to adulthood.[29] Arthur's political prospects improved along with his law practice when his patron, ex-Governor Morgan, was elected to the United States Senate.[30] He was hired by Thomas Murphy, a hatter who sold goods to the Union Army, to represent him in Washington. The two became associates within New York Republican party circles, eventually rising in the ranks of the conservative branch of the party dominated by Thurlow Weed.[30] In the presidential election of 1864, Arthur and Murphy raised funds from Republicans in New York and attended Abraham Lincoln's inauguration in 1865.[31]

New York politician

Conkling's machine

File:NYCustomHouseMerchantsExchange.jpg
The New York Custom House (formerly the Merchants' Exchange building) was Arthur's office for seven years.

The end of the Civil War meant new opportunities for the men in Morgan's Republican machine, including Arthur.[32] Morgan leaned toward the conservative wing of the New York Republican party, as did the men who worked for him, including Weed, Seward (who continued in office under President Andrew Johnson), and Roscoe Conkling (an eloquent Utica Congressman and rising star in the party).[32] Arthur rarely articulated his own political ideas during his time as a part of the machine; as was common at the time, loyalty and hard work on the machine's behalf was more important than actual political sympathies.[33] In 1866, he attempted to secure the position of Naval Officer at the New York Custom House, a lucrative job with few responsibilities, but was unable to do so.[34] Nevertheless, he continued his law practice (now a solo practitionership after Gardiner's death) and his role in politics, becoming a member of the prestigious Century Club in 1867.[34] Conkling, elected in 1867 to the United States Senate, noticed Arthur and aided his rise in the party.[35] Arthur became chairman of the New York City Republican executive committee in 1868.[36] His ascent in the party hierarchy kept him busy most nights, and his wife began to resent his continual absence from the family home on party business.[37]

Conkling's machine was solidly behind General Ulysses S. Grant's candidacy for president, and Arthur worked to raise funds for Grant's election in 1868.[38] The opposing Democratic machine in New York City, known as Tammany Hall, worked for Grant's opponent, former New York Governor Horatio Seymour; while Grant was victorious in the national vote, Seymour carried the state of New York easily.[38] Arthur began to devote more of his time to politics and less to law.[39] In 1869, he was appointed counsel to the New York City tax commission under an arrangement his friend Murphy made with William Marcy Tweed, the Tammany Hall boss.[39] He remained at the job until 1870 at a salary of $10,000 a year.[39][Note 4] Arthur's actual role in the tax commission's duties is still unknown; after Tweed's fall from power in 1871, Arthur never spoke of the Conking machine's cooperation with Tammany Hall.[39] Shortly thereafter, President Grant gave control over the New York Custom House patronage to Conkling and appointed Murphy to the position of Collector of the Port of New York.[40] Murphy's reputation as a war profiteer and his association with Tammany Hall made him unacceptable to many of his own party, but Conkling nevertheless convinced the Senate to confirm him.[40] The Collector was responsible for hiring hundreds of workers to collect the tariffs due at the United States' busiest port. Typically, these jobs were dispensed to adherents of the political machine responsible for hiring the Collector. Employees were required to make political contributions (known as "assessments") back to the machine, which made the job a highly coveted political plum.[41] Murphy's unpopularity only increased as he replaced workers loyal to Senator Reuben Fenton's faction of the Republican party with those loyal to Conkling's.[42] Eventually, the pressure to replace Murphy grew too great, and Grant asked for his resignation in 1871.[42] To replace him, Grant nominated Arthur.[43]

The Senate confirmed Arthur's appointment. As Collector, he not only controlled nearly a thousand jobs, but he also stood to receive personal compensation as great as any federal officeholder.[41] Arthur's salary was $6,500, but senior customs employees were also compensated by the "moiety" system, which awarded them a percentage of the fines levied on importers who attempted to evade the tariff.[44] In total, his income came to more than $50,000—more than the president's salary, and more than enough for him to enjoy fashionable clothes and a lavish lifestyle.[44]<super.[Note 5]</super> Among those who dealt with the Custom House, Arthur was one of the era's more popular collectors.[45] He got along with his subordinates and, since Murphy had already filled the staff with Conkling's adherents, he had few occasions to fire anyone.[46] He was also popular within the Republican party as he efficiently collected campaign assessments from the staff and placed party leaders' friends in jobs as positions became available.[37] Arthur had a better reputation than Murphy, but reformers still criticized the patronage structure and the moiety system as corrupt.[41] A rising tide of reform within the party caused Arthur to recharacterize the financial extractions from employees as "voluntary contributions" in 1872, but the principle remained the same and the party reaped the benefit of controlling government jobs.[47] In that year, reform-minded Republicans formed the Liberal Republican party and voted against Grant, but he was re-elected in spite of their opposition.[48] Nevertheless, the movement for civil service reform continued to chip away at Conkling's patronage machine when, after Custom House employees were found to have improperly assessed fines against an importing company in 1874, Congress repealed the moiety system and put the staff, including Arthur, on regular salary.[49] As a result, his income dropped to $12,000 a year.[49]

Clash with Hayes

File:Arthur NYcustoms house cartoon.jpg
A cartoon depicting President Rutherford B. Hayes kicking Arthur out of the New York Custom House.

Arthur's four-year term expired on December 10, 1875, and Conkling, now among the most powerful politicians in Washington, arranged his protégé's reappointment by President Grant.[50] By 1876, Conkling was considering a run for the Presidency himself, but the selection of Rutherford B. Hayes, a reformer, at the 1876 Republican National Convention presaged problems for the machine boss.[51] Arthur and the machine gathered campaign funds with their usual zeal, but Conkling limited his own campaign activities to a few speeches.[52] Hayes's opponent, New York Governor Samuel J. Tilden, carried New York but, after months of disputes over certain electoral votes, lost the Presidency.[53]

Hayes entered office having pledged to reform the patronage system; in 1877, he and Treasury Secretary John Sherman made Conkling's machine their first target.[52] Sherman ordered a commission led by John Jay to investigate the New York Custom House.[54] Jay, with whom Arthur had collaborated in the Lemmon case two decades earlier, suggested that the Custom House was so overstaffed with political appointments that 20% of the employees were expendable.[55] Sherman was less enthusiastic about the reforms than Hayes and Jay, but he approved the commission's report and ordered Arthur to make the personnel reductions.[56] Arthur appointed a committee of Custom House workers to determine where the cuts were to be made and, after a written protest, carried them out.[57] Notwithstanding his cooperation, the Jay Commission issued a second report critical of Arthur and other Custom House employees, and subsequent reports urging a complete reorganization.[57]

Hayes further struck at the heart of the spoils system by issuing an executive order that forbade assessments and barred federal office holders from "tak[ing] part in the management of political organizations, caucuses, conventions, or election campaigns".[58] Arthur and his subordinates, Alonzo B. Cornell and George H. Sharpe, refused to obey the president's order.[59] Sherman encouraged Arthur to resign, offering him the consulship at Paris in exchange, but Arthur refused.[60] In September 1877, Hayes demanded the three men's resignations, which they refused to give.[60] Nonetheless, Hayes submitted appointments of Theodore Roosevelt, Sr., L. Bradford Prince, and Edwin Merritt—all supporters of William M. Evarts, Conkling's New York rival—to the Senate for confirmation as their replacements.[61] The Senate's Commerce Committee, which Conkling chaired, voted unanimously to reject the nominees, and the full Senate rejected Roosevelt and Prince by a vote of 31–25, confirming Merritt only because Sharpe's term had expired.[62]

Arthur's job was thus saved, but only until July 1878 when Hayes took advantage of a Congressional recess to fire him and Cornell, and replace them by recess appointments of Merritt and Silas W. Burt, respectively.[63][Note 6] Conkling opposed the appointees' confirmation when the Senate reconvened in February 1879, but Merritt was approved by a vote of 31–25, as was Burt by 31–19, giving Hayes his most significant civil service reform victory.[64] After six years, Arthur found himself out of a job, but still a political power.[65] In the state elections of 1879, he and Conkling worked to ensure that the Republican nominees for state offices would be men of Conkling's faction, who had become known as Stalwarts.[66] They were successful, but narrowly, as Cornell was nominated for governor by a vote of 234–216.[66] Arthur and Conkling campaigned vigorously for the Stalwart ticket and, owing partly to a splintering of the Democratic vote, were victorious.[67] Arthur and the machine had rebuked Hayes and their intra-party rivals, but Arthur had had only a few days to enjoy his triumph when, on January 12, 1880, his wife died suddenly while he was in Albany organizing the political agenda for the coming year.[68] He was devastated, and never remarried.[68]

Election of 1880

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File:1880RepublicanPoster.png
Garfield–Arthur campaign poster

Conkling and his fellow Stalwarts wished to follow up their 1879 success at the 1880 Republican National Convention by securing the nomination for their ally, ex-President Grant.[69] Their opponents in the Republican party, known as Half-Breeds, concentrated their efforts on James G. Blaine, a Senator from Maine who was more amenable to civil service reform.[69] Neither candidate commanded a majority of delegates and, deadlocked after thirty-six ballots, the convention turned to a dark horse, James A. Garfield, an Ohio Congressman and Civil War General who was neither Stalwart nor Half-Breed.[70] Garfield and his supporters knew they would face a difficult election without the support of the New York Stalwarts and decided to offer one of them the vice presidential nomination.[71] Levi P. Morton was the first choice of Garfield's supporters but, on Conkling's advice, refused to run.[72] They next approached Arthur. Conkling advised him to also reject the nomination, believing the Republicans would lose.[73] Arthur thought otherwise and accepted, telling Conkling, "The office of the Vice-President is a greater honor than I ever dreamed of attaining."[73][Note 7] Conkling eventually reconciled himself with the nomination and campaigned for the ticket.[74] As expected, the election was close. The Democratic nominee, General Winfield Scott Hancock, was popular and, since he had not taken unpopular positions (or any positions at all) on the issues of the day, he had not offended any important constituencies.[75] As Republicans had done since the end of the Civil War, Garfield and Arthur initially focused their campaign on the "bloody shirt"—the idea that returning Democrats to office would undo the victory of the Civil War and reward secessionists.[76] With the war fifteen years in the past and Union generals at the head of both tickets, the tactic was less effective than the Republicans hoped.[76] Realizing this, they shifted their approach to claim that Democrats would lower the country's protective tariff, which would allow more cheap manufactured goods to be imported from Europe, thereby putting thousands of workingmen out of work.[77] This argument struck home in the swing states of New York and Indiana, where many were employed in manufacturing.[77] Hancock did not help his own cause when, in an attempt to remain neutral on the tariff, he said that "[t]he tariff question is a local question", which only served to make him appear uninformed about an important issue.[78] Candidates for high office did not personally campaign in those days, but Arthur played a part in the campaign in his usual fashion: raising money.[79] The funds were crucial in the close election, and his home state of New York was pivotal.[80] The Republicans carried New York by 20,000 votes and, in an election with the largest turnout of qualified voters ever recorded—78.4%—they won the nationwide popular vote by just 7,018 votes.[80] The electoral college result was more decisive—214 to 155—and Garfield and Arthur were elected.[80]

Vice Presidency

File:CAArthur-oathofoffice.jpg
Arthur taking the oath of office as administered by Judge John R. Brady at Arthur's home in New York City, September 20, 1881.

After the election, Arthur worked to persuade Garfield to fill certain positions—especially that of the Secretary of the Treasury—with his fellow New York Stalwarts.[81] He was unsuccessful, and the Stalwart machine received a further rebuke when they discovered that Garfield planned to appoint Blaine, Conkling's arch-enemy, as Secretary of State.[81] The running mates, never close, grew farther apart as Garfield continued to freeze out the Stalwarts from the patronage at his disposal. Arthur's status in the administration fell further when, a month before inauguration day, he gave a speech in front of newspaper reporters that suggested the election in Indiana, a swing state, had been won by illegal voting.[82] Garfield ultimately appointed a Stalwart, Thomas Lemuel James, to be Postmaster General, but the cabinet fight and Arthur's ill-considered speech left the President and Vice President estranged when they took their oaths of office on March 4, 1881.[83] The Senate in the 47th United States Congress was divided among 37 Republicans, 37 Democrats, one independent (David Davis) who announced he would caucus with the Democrats, one Readjuster (William Mahone) whose allegiance was uncertain, and four vacancies.[84] Immediately, the Democrats attempted to organize the Senate, knowing that the vacancies would soon be filled by Republicans.[84] As Vice President, Arthur cast tie-breaking votes in favor of the Republicans when Mahone opted to join their caucus.[84] Even so, the Senate remained deadlocked for two months over Garfield's nominations because of Conkling's opposition to some of them.[85] Just before going into recess in May 1881, the situation became more complicated when Conkling and the other Senator from New York, Thomas C. Platt, resigned in protest of Garfield's continuing opposition to their faction.[86]

With the Senate in recess, Arthur had no duties in Washington and returned to New York City.[87] Once there, he traveled with Conkling to Albany, where the former Senator had hoped for a quick re-election to the Senate and, thereby, a rebuke to the Garfield administration.[87][Note 8] The Republican majority in the state legislature was divided on the question, to Conkling and Platt's surprise, and they found themselves fighting for their political lives.[87][Note 9] While in Albany on July 2, word reached Arthur that Garfield had been shot.[87] The assassin, Charles J. Guiteau, was a deranged office-seeker who believed that assassinating Garfield would convince Arthur to appoint him to a patronage job; he proclaimed to onlookers: "I am a Stalwart, and Arthur will be President!"[88] Despite his claims of friendship with Arthur, the public soon learned that Guiteau was mentally unstable and unconnected with the Vice President.[89] More troubling was the lack of legal guidance on presidential succession: as Garfield lingered near death, no one was sure who, if anyone, could exercise presidential authority.[90] Moreover, after Conkling's resignation, the Senate had adjourned without electing a president pro tempore, who would normally follow Arthur in the succession.[90] Arthur was reluctant to be seen to act as President while Garfield lived, and the next two months saw a vacuum in the executive office, with Garfield too weak to carry out any of his duties and Arthur refusing to assume them.[91] Through the summer, Arthur refused to travel to Washington and was at his Lexington Avenue home when, on the night of September 19, he learned that Garfield had died.[91] Judge John R. Brady of the New York Supreme Court administered the oath of office in Arthur's home at 2:15 a.m. the following day, and Arthur boarded a train for the nation's capital two days later.[91]

Presidency 1881–1885

File:Arthur-cabinet.jpg
On the threshold of office, what have we to expect of him?
In an 1881 Puck cartoon, Arthur faces the presidential cabinet after President James A. Garfield was assassinated.

Taking office

Arriving in Washington on September 22, Arthur repeated the oath of office, this time administered by Chief Justice Morrison R. Waite, because of concerns that a state judge may have lacked the authority to administer the presidential oath.[92] He first resided at the home of Senator John P. Jones in anticipation of significant remodeling he had ordered for the White House, including the addition of an elaborate fifty-foot glass screen made by Louis Comfort Tiffany.[93] Since Arthur was a widower, his sister, Mary Arthur McElroy, served as White House hostess.[93] Arthur rapidly became Washington's most eligible bachelor and his social life became the subject of many rumors, but he remained devoted only to the memory of his late wife.[94] His son, Chester Jr., was then a freshman at Princeton University and his daughter, Nell, stayed in New York with a governess until 1882; when she arrived, Arthur attempted to shield her from the intrusions of the press as much as he could.[94]

Arthur quickly came into conflict with Garfield's cabinet, most of whose members represented Republican factions that opposed him. He asked the cabinet members to remain until December, when Congress would reconvene, but Treasury Secretary William Windom submitted his resignation in October to enter a Senate race in his home state of Minnesota.[95] Arthur replaced him with Charles J. Folger, his friend and fellow New York Stalwart.[95] Attorney General Wayne MacVeagh was next to resign, believing that, as a reformer, he had no place in an Arthur cabinet.[96] Despite Arthur's personal appeal to remain, MacVeigh resigned in December 1881 and Arthur replaced him with Benjamin H. Brewster, a Philadelphia lawyer and machine politician who was thought to have some reformist leanings.[96] Blaine, arch-nemesis of the Stalwart faction, agreed to remain Secretary of State until Congress reconvened, and when it did so he departed immediately.[97] Conkling expected Arthur to appoint him in Blaine's place, but the President instead chose Frederick T. Frelinghuysen of New Jersey, a Stalwart recommended by ex-President Grant.[97] Frelinghuysen advised Arthur not to fill any future vacancies with Stalwarts, but when Postmaster General James resigned in January 1882, Arthur selected Timothy O. Howe, a Wisconsin Stalwart, to replace him.[98] Navy Secretary William H. Hunt was next to resign, in April 1882, and Arthur attempted a more balanced approach by appointing William E. Chandler to the post, on Blaine's recommendation.[98] Finally, when Interior Secretary Samuel J. Kirkwood resigned that same month, Arthur appointed Henry M. Teller, a Colorado Stalwart to the office.[98] Of the Cabinet members Arthur had inherited from Garfield, only Secretary of War Robert Todd Lincoln remained for the entirety of Arthur's term.[98]

Civil service reform

File:Chester A. Arthur by Ole Peter Hansen Balling.JPG
Ole Peter Hansen Balling's 1881 portrait of Chester A. Arthur

In the 1870s, the public became aware of a scandal in which contractors for star postal routes were greatly overpaid for their services with the connivance of government officials (including Second Assistant Postal Secretary Thomas J. Brady and former Senator Stephen Wallace Dorsey).[99] This was an example of the kind of corruption that reformers feared Arthur would permit, and reformers grew concerned that the former supporter of the spoils system would not devote his administration's energy to continuing the investigation into the scandal.[99] Nevertheless, the new Attorney General, Brewster, continued the investigations begun by MacVeigh and hired notable Democratic lawyers William W. Ker and Richard T. Merrick in an attempt both to improve the prosecution team and avoid the appearance of political partisanship.[100] Although Arthur had worked closely with Dorsey before taking office, once in office he supported the investigation and forced the resignation of officials suspected in the scandal.[100] An 1882 trial of the ringleaders resulted in convictions for two minor conspirators and a hung jury for the rest.[101] After a juror came forward with allegations that the defendants attempted to bribe him, the judge set aside the guilty verdicts and granted a new trial.[101] Before the second trial began, Arthur removed five federal office holders who were sympathetic with the defense, including a former Senator.[102] The second trial began in December 1882 and lasted until July 1883 and, again, did not result in a guilty verdict.[102] Failure to obtain a conviction tarnished the administration's image, but Arthur did succeed in putting a stop to the fraud.[102]

Garfield's assassination by a deranged office seeker amplified the growing public demand for civil service reform.[103] Democratic and Republican leaders both realized that they could attract the votes of reformers by turning against the spoils system and, by 1882, the tide turned in favor of reform.[103] As early as 1880, Democratic Senator George H. Pendleton of Ohio had introduced legislation that would allow for selection of civil servants based on merit as determined by an examination.[103] In his first annual Presidential address to Congress in 1881, Arthur requested civil service reform legislation and Pendleton again introduced his bill, but Congress did not pass it.[103] Republicans lost seats in the 1882 congressional elections, in which Democrats campaigned on the reform issue.[104] As a result, the lame duck session of Congress was more amenable to civil service reform; the Senate approved Pendleton's bill 38–5 and the House soon concurred by a vote of 155–47.[105] Arthur signed the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act into law on January 16, 1883.[105] In just two years' time, an unrepentant Stalwart had become the president who ushered in long-awaited civil service reform.[105]

At first, the act applied only to 10% of federal jobs and, without proper implementation by the president, it could have gone no further.[106] Even after he signed the act into law, its proponents doubted Arthur's commitment to reform.[106] To their surprise, he acted quickly to appoint the members of the Civil Service Commission that the law created, naming reformers Dorman Bridgeman Eaton, John Milton Gregory, and Leroy D. Thoman as commissioners.[106] The chief examiner, Silas W. Burt, was a long-time reformer who had been Arthur's opponent when the two men worked at the New York Customs House.[107] The commission issued its first rules in May 1883; by 1884, half of all postal officials and three-quarters of the Customs Service jobs were to be awarded by merit.[107] That year, Arthur expressed satisfaction in the new system, praising its effectiveness "in securing competent and faithful public servants and in protecting the appointing officers of the Government from the pressure of personal importunity and from the labor of examining the claims and pretensions of rival candidates for public employment."[108]

Surplus and the tariff

With high income held over from wartime taxes, coupled with debt management problems and the inability to pass a program for early debt retirement, the federal government had collected more revenue than it had spent since 1866 and, by 1882, the surplus had reached $145 million,[109] Opinions varied on how to balance the budget, but nonetheless these surpluses created a tendency to overspend.[110] Most Democrats wished to lower tariffs, in order to reduce revenues and lower the cost of imported goods. Republicans largely disagreed, believing that high tariffs ensured high wages for men employed in manufacturing and natural resource extraction. They preferred that the government spend more on internal improvements and reduce excise taxes.[109] Arthur mostly agreed with his party, and in 1882 called for the abolition of excise taxes on everything except liquor, as well as a simplification of the complex tariff structure.[111] In May of that year, Representative William D. Kelley of Pennsylvania introduced a bill to establish a tariff commission.[111] The bill passed and Arthur signed it into law but appointed mostly protectionists to the committee. Republicans were pleased with the committee's make-up but were surprised when, in December 1882, they submitted a report to Congress calling for tariff cuts averaging between 20 and 25%. The commission's recommendations were ignored, however, as the House Ways and Means Committee, dominated by protectionists, wrote the law to yield reductions of 10%.[111] After conference with the Senate, the bill that emerged only reduced tariffs by an average of 1.47%. The bill passed both houses narrowly on March 3, 1883, the last full day of the 47th Congress. Arthur signed the measure into law, but it did little to reduce the surplus.[112]

At the same time and closely tied to the tariff and budget debate, Congress attempted to balance the budget from the other side of the ledger by spending on the 1882 Rivers and Harbors Act that contained the then-unprecedented expenditure of $19 million for internal improvements.[113] While Arthur was not opposed to internal improvements, the scale of the bill disturbed him, as did its focus on "particular localities," rather than on projects that benefited a large part of the nation.[113] On August 1, 1882, Arthur vetoed the bill to widespread popular acclaim.[113] In his veto message, he wrote that his principal objection to the bill was that it appropriated funds for purposes "not for the common defense or general welfare, and which do not promote commerce among the States."[114] Congress overrode his veto,[113] and the new law reduced the surplus by $19 million. Many Republicans considered the law a success at the time, but later believed the unpopular law contributed to their loss of seats in the elections of 1882.[115]

Foreign affairs and immigration

File:The only one barred out cph.3b48680.jpg
A political cartoon from 1882, criticizing Chinese exclusion

During the Garfield administration, Secretary of State James G. Blaine took the United States' diplomacy in Latin America in a new direction, urging reciprocal trade agreements and offering to mediate disputes among the Latin American nations.[116] Blaine proposed holding a Pan-American conference in 1882 to discuss trade and an end to the War of the Pacific being fought by Bolivia, Chile, and Peru.[116] This represented a greater involvement in affairs south of the Rio Grande than the United States had previously attempted, and marked a significant shift in foreign policy.[116] Blaine did not remain in office long enough to see the effort through, and when Frederick T. Frelinghuysen replaced him at the end of 1881, the conference efforts lapsed.[117] Frelinghuysen also discontinued Blaine's peace efforts in the War of the Pacific, fearing that the United States might be drawn into the conflict.[117] Arthur and Frelinghuysen continued Blaine's efforts to encourage trade among the nations of the Western Hemisphere, and a treaty with Mexico providing for reciprocal tariff reductions was signed in 1882 and approved by the Senate in 1884.[118] The House declined to approve the legislation required to bring the treaty into force, however, rendering it a dead letter.[118] Similar efforts at reciprocal trade treaties with Santo Domingo and Spain's American colonies were defeated by February 1885, and an existing reciprocity treaty with the Kingdom of Hawaii was allowed to lapse.[119]

The 47th Congress spent a great deal of its time on the regulation of immigration, at times in accord with Arthur's wishes and at times against them.[120] In July 1882, without significant opposition, Congress passed a bill regulating steamships that carried immigrants to the United States.[120] To their surprise, Arthur vetoed it, citing problems in the bill's wording; Congress agreed to reword it, and he signed the revised measure.[120] He also signed in August of that year the Immigration Act of 1882, which levied a fifty-cent tax on immigrants to the United States, as well as excluding from entry the mentally ill, the mentally retarded, criminals, or any person "unable to take care of himself or herself without becoming a public charge."[121] A larger debate concerned the status of one particular group of immigrants: the Chinese. In 1868, the Senate had ratified the Burlingame Treaty with China, allowing an unrestricted flow of Chinese immigrants into the country. As the economy soured after the Panic of 1873, Chinese immigrants were blamed for depressing workmen's wages.[122] In response, Congress passed a Chinese Exclusion Act in 1879, abrogating the 1868 treaty, which President Hayes vetoed.[122] Three years later, after China had agreed to treaty revisions, Congress tried again to exclude Chinese immigrants. Senator John F. Miller of California introduced a Chinese Exclusion Act that would have denied Chinese immigrants United States citizenship and completely banned their immigration for the next twenty years.[123] The bill passed the Senate and House by overwhelming margins, arriving at Arthur's desk in April 1882.[123] Arthur vetoed the bill, seeing the twenty-year ban as a breach of the renegotiated treaty of 1880, which allowed only a "reasonable" suspension of immigration. Eastern newspapers praised the veto, but he was widely condemned in the Western states. Congress was unable to override the veto, instead passing a new bill that reduced the ban on Chinese immigration to ten years. Although he still objected to the denial of citizenship to Chinese immigrants, Arthur signed the compromise measure into law on May 6, 1882.[123][Note 10]

Naval reform

File:Squadron of Evolution (Hart).jpg
The "Squadron of Evolution" at anchor in 1889, after Yorktown had been added: Chicago, Yorktown, Boston, Atlanta

In the years following the Civil War, American naval power declined precipitously, shrinking from nearly 700 vessels to just 52, most of which were obsolete.[124] The nation's military focus over the fifteen years before Garfield and Arthur's election had been on the Indian wars in the West, rather than the high seas, but as the region was increasingly pacified, many in Congress grew concerned at the poor state of the Navy.[125] Garfield's Secretary of the Navy, William H. Hunt, advocated reform of the Navy and his successor, William E. Chandler, appointed an advisory board to prepare a report on modernization.[126] Based on the suggestions in the report, Congress appropriated funds for the construction of three steel protected cruisers (Atlanta, Boston, and Chicago) and an armed dispatch-steamer (Dolphin), collectively known as the "ABCD Ships" or the "Squadron of Evolution".[127] Congress also approved funds to rebuild four monitors (Puritan, Amphitrite, Monadnock, and Terror,) which had lain uncompleted since 1877.[127] The contracts to build the ABCD ships were all awarded to the low bidder, John Roach & Sons of Chester, Pennsylvania,[128] even though Roach once employed Secretary Chandler as a lobbyist.[128] Democrats turned against the "New Navy" projects and, when they won control of the 48th Congress, refused to appropriate funds for seven more steel warships.[128] Even without the additional ships, the state of the Navy improved when, after several construction delays, the last of the new ships entered service in 1889.[129] Template:-

Civil rights

File:William Mahone.jpg
Arthur thought the Readjuster Party, led by William Mahone, could succeed in advancing civil rights in Virginia where Republicans had failed.

Like his Republican predecessors, Arthur struggled with the question of how his party was to challenge the Democrats in the South and how, if at all, to protect the civil rights of black southerners.[130] Since the end of Reconstruction, conservative white Democrats (or "Bourbon Democrats") had regained power in the South, and the Republican party dwindled rapidly as their primary supporters in the region, blacks, were disenfranchised.[130] One crack in the solidly Democratic South emerged with the growth of a new party, the Readjusters, in Virginia.[131] Having won an election in that state on a platform of more education funding (for black and white schools alike) and abolition of the poll tax and the whipping post, many northern Republicans saw the Readjusters as a more viable ally in the South than the moribund southern Republican party.[131] Arthur agreed, and directed the federal patronage in Virginia through the Readjusters rather than the Republicans.[131] He followed the same pattern in other Southern states, forging coalitions with independents and Greenback Party members.[131] Some black Republicans felt betrayed by the pragmatic gambit, but others (including Frederick Douglass and ex-Senator Blanche K. Bruce) endorsed the administration's actions, as the Southern independents had more liberal racial policies than the Democrats.[132] Arthur's coalition policy was only successful in Virginia, however, and by 1885 the Readjuster movement began to collapse with the election of a Democratic president.[133] Other federal action on behalf of blacks was equally ineffective: when the Supreme Court struck down the Civil Rights Act of 1875 in an 1883 decision, Arthur expressed his disagreement with the decision in a message to Congress, but was unable to persuade Congress to pass any new legislation in its place.[134] Arthur did, however, effectively intervene to overturn a court-martial ruling against a black West Point cadet, Johnson Whittaker, after the Judge Advocate General of the Army, David G. Swaim, found the prosecution's case against Whittaker legally invalid and based on racial animus.[135] The administration faced a different challenge in the West, where the Mormon Church was under government pressure to stop the practice of polygamy in Utah Territory.[136] Garfield had believed polygamy was criminal behavior and was morally detrimental to family values, and Arthur's views were, for once, in line with his predecessor's.[136] In 1882, he signed the Edmunds Act into law, making polygamy a federal crime and barring polygamists from public office.[136]

Indian policy

The Arthur administration also dealt with changing relations with western American Indian tribes.[137] The Indian Wars were winding down, and public sentiment was shifting toward more favorable treatment of Native Americans. Arthur urged Congress to increase funding for Indian education, which it did in 1884, although not to the extent he wished.[138] He also favored a move to the allotment system, under which individual Native Americans, rather than tribes, would own land. Arthur was unable to convince Congress to adopt the idea during his administration but, in 1887, the Dawes Act changed the law to favor such a system.[138] The allotment system was favored by liberal reformers at the time, but eventually proved detrimental to Native Americans as most of their land was resold at low prices to white speculators.[139] During Arthur's presidency, settlers and cattle ranchers continued to encroach on Indian territory.[140] Arthur initially resisted their efforts, but after Secretary of the Interior Henry M. Teller, an opponent of allotment, assured him that the lands were not protected, Arthur opened up the Crow Creek Reservation in the Dakota Territory to settlers by executive order in 1885.[140] Arthur's successor, Grover Cleveland, finding that title belonged to the Indians, revoked Arthur's order a few months later.[140]

Health, travel, and renomination

File:President Chester A. Arthur Yellowstone National Park Expedition 1883.jpg
Arthur on an expedition in Yellowstone National Park along with Philip Sheridan and Robert Todd Lincoln.

Shortly after becoming President, Arthur was diagnosed with Bright's disease, a kidney ailment now referred to as nephritis.[141] He attempted to keep his condition private, but by 1883 rumors of his illness began to circulate.[141] By that time he had become thinner and more aged in appearance, as well as less energetic in keeping up with the demands of the presidency.[141] Hoping to rejuvenate his health by getting out of Washington, Arthur and some political friends traveled to Florida in April 1883.[142] The vacation had the opposite effect, and Arthur suffered from intense pain before returning to Washington.[142] Later that year, on the advice of Missouri Senator George Graham Vest, he visited Yellowstone National Park.[143] Reporters accompanied the presidential party, helping to publicize the new National Park system.[143] The Yellowstone trip was more beneficial to Arthur's health than his Florida excursion, and he returned to Washington refreshed after two months of travel.[144]

As the 1884 presidential election approached, James G. Blaine was thought to be the favorite for the Republican nomination, but Arthur, too, contemplated a run for a full term as President.[145] In the months leading up to the 1884 Republican National Convention, however, Arthur began to realize that neither faction of the Republican party was prepared to give him their full support: the Half-Breeds were again solidly behind Blaine, while Stalwarts were undecided; some backed Arthur, with others considering Senator John A. Logan of Illinois.[145] Reform-minded Republicans, friendlier to Arthur after he endorsed civil service reform, were still not certain enough of his reform credentials to back him over Senator George F. Edmunds of Vermont, who had long favored their cause.[145] Business leaders supported him, as did Southern Republicans who owed their jobs to his control of the patronage, but by the time they began to rally around him, Arthur had decided against a serious campaign for the nomination.[146] He kept up a token effort, believing that to drop out would cast doubt on his actions in office and raise questions about his health, but by the time the convention began in June, his defeat was almost assured.[146] Blaine led on the first ballot, and by the fourth ballot he had a majority.[147] Arthur telegraphed his congratulations to Blaine and accepted his defeat with equanimity.[147] He played no role in the 1884 campaign, which Blaine would later say contributed to his loss that November to the Democratic nominee, Grover Cleveland.[148]

Administration and cabinet

File:Chester A Arthur by Daniel Huntington.jpeg
Official White House portrait of Chester A. Arthur by Daniel Huntington

Template:Infobox U.S. Cabinet

Judicial appointments

Template:Main Arthur made appointments to fill two vacancies on the United States Supreme Court. The first vacancy arose in July 1881 with the death of Associate Justice Nathan Clifford, a Democrat who had been a member of the Court since before the Civil War.[149] Arthur nominated Horace Gray, a distinguished jurist from the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court to replace him, and the nomination was easily confirmed.[149] Gray would serve until 1902 and was the author of the court's majority opinion in United States v. Wong Kim Ark, which overturned the section of the Chinese Exclusion Act that denied Chinese-Americans citizenship. The second vacancy occurred when Associate Justice Ward Hunt retired in January 1882. Arthur first nominated his old political boss, Roscoe Conkling; he doubted that Conkling would accept, but felt obligated to offer a high office to his former patron.[149] The Senate confirmed the nomination but, as expected, Conkling declined it,[149] the last time a confirmed nominee declined his appointment.[150] Senator George Edmunds was Arthur's next choice, but he declined to be considered.[151] Instead, Arthur nominated Samuel Blatchford, a judge on the Second Circuit Court of Appeals for the last fifteen years.[149] Blatchford accepted, and his nomination was approved within two weeks.[149] Blatchford served on the Court until his death in 1893.[152]

Retirement and death

File:Chet Arthur Mad Sq jeh.JPG
Chester A. Arthur statue at Madison Square in New York City

Arthur left office in 1885 and returned to his New York City home. Two months before the end of his term, several New York Stalwarts approached him to request that he run for United States Senate, but he declined, preferring to return to his old law practice at Arthur, Knevals & Ransom.[153] His health limited his activity with the firm, and Arthur served only of counsel. He took on few assignments with the firm and was often too ill to leave his house.[154] He managed a few public appearances, up until the end of 1885.[154]

After summering in New London, Connecticut, in 1886, he returned quite ill and, on November 16, ordered nearly all of his papers, both personal and official, burned.[154][Note 11] The next morning, Arthur suffered a cerebral hemorrhage and never regained consciousness; he died the following day at the age of 57.[154] On November 22, a private funeral was held at the Church of the Heavenly Rest in New York City, attended by President Cleveland and ex-President Hayes, among other notables.[155] Arthur was buried next to the graves of many of his family members and ancestors in the Albany Rural Cemetery in Menands, New York. He was laid beside his wife in a sarcophagus on a large corner of the plot.[154]

See also

Notes

1. Some older sources list the date as October 5, 1830,[156] but biographer Thomas C. Reeves confirms that this is incorrect: Arthur claimed to be a year younger "out of simple vanity."[5]

2. Arthur pronounced his middle name with the accent on the second syllable.[5]

3. The Twelfth Amendment to the United States Constitution applies that clause, which specifically restricts presidential eligibility, to would-be vice presidents, as well: "no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President".

4. $10,000 in 1870 is equal to $184,000 in present terms.Template:Inflation-fn

5. $50,000 in 1871 is equal to $$970,000 in present terms.Template:Inflation-fn

6. Charles K. Graham filled Merritt's former position.[157]

7. Biographer George Howe takes this exchange at face value,[158] but later biographers suspect it may be apocryphal.[159]

8. Before the passage of the Seventeenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, Senators were elected by state legislatures.

9. Conkling and Pratt were ultimately denied re-election, being succeeded by Elbridge G. Lapham and Warner Miller, respectively.

10. The portion of the law denying citizenship to Chinese-Americans would be found unconstitutional in United States v. Wong Kim Ark in 1898.

11. A small number of Arthur's papers survived and passed to his grandson, Gavin Arthur, who allowed Arthur's biographer, Thomas C. Reeves, to examine them the 1970s.[160]

References

  1. ^ Reeves, p. 420
  2. ^ Reeves, p. 423
  3. ^ a b c d e Reeves, p. 4; Howe, p. 4
  4. ^ Howe, p. 7; Reeves, p. 6
  5. ^ a b c Reeves, p. 5
  6. ^ a b c Reeves, pp. 7–8
  7. ^ Karabell, pp. 53–54
  8. ^ a b c Reeves, pp. 202–203
  9. ^ a b c Reeves, p. 9
  10. ^ a b Reeves, p. 10
  11. ^ a b Reeves, p. 11
  12. ^ Karabell, p. 12
  13. ^ Reeves, p. 14
  14. ^ a b c Reeves, pp. 14–15
  15. ^ a b c d Reeves, p. 16
  16. ^ Reeves, pp. 19–20
  17. ^ Karabell, p. 14
  18. ^ a b Reeves, pp.17–18
  19. ^ Reeves, p. 21
  20. ^ a b Howe, pp. 18–19
  21. ^ a b Howe, pp. 20–21; Reeves, pp. 22–23
  22. ^ Reeves, pp. 24–25
  23. ^ Howe, p. 25
  24. ^ a b Howe, pp. 26–27; Reeves, pp. 28–29
  25. ^ Reeves, p. 30
  26. ^ Howe, pp. 30–31; Reeves, pp. 33–34
  27. ^ Howe, pp. 29–30; Reeves, pp. 34–35
  28. ^ Reeves, p. 35
  29. ^ Reeves, p. 84
  30. ^ a b Reeves, p. 37
  31. ^ Reeves, p. 38
  32. ^ a b Karabell, p. 17
  33. ^ Reeves, p. 39; Howe, p. 37
  34. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 40–41
  35. ^ Reeves, pp. 44–45
  36. ^ Reeves, p. 42; Howe, p. 39
  37. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 71–73
  38. ^ a b Reeves, p. 48
  39. ^ a b c d Reeves, pp. 49–50; Howe, p. 42
  40. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 51–53; Howe, pp. 44–45
  41. ^ a b c Reeves, pp. 61–67; Schwartz, p. 182
  42. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 57–58
  43. ^ Reeves, p. 60; Howe, pp. 46–47
  44. ^ a b Reeves, p. 59, 63, 85–86
  45. ^ Reeves, p. 68
  46. ^ Reeves, pp. 69–70
  47. ^ Reeves, pp. 76–77
  48. ^ Reeves, pp. 78–79
  49. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 79–84; Howe, p. 49
  50. ^ Reeves, pp. 87–89
  51. ^ Reeves, pp. 95–96; Karabell, pp. 26–27
  52. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 100–105
  53. ^ Reeves, pp. 106–107
  54. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 318–319
  55. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 322–325; Reeves, pp. 118–119; Howe, pp. 68–69
  56. ^ Reeves, pp. 119–120
  57. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 121–122
  58. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 322–325; Reeves, p. 121
  59. ^ Reeves, p. 121
  60. ^ a b Reeves, p. 123
  61. ^ Hoogenboom, p. 352; Reeves, pp. 125–126
  62. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 353–355; Reeves, pp. 126–131
  63. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 370–371; Reeves, pp. 136–137
  64. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 382–384; Reeves, pp. 138–148
  65. ^ Reeves, pp. 150–151
  66. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 153–155; Peskin, p. 704
  67. ^ Reeves, pp. 153–155; Howe, pp. 96–99
  68. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 158–159; Karabell, pp. 38–39
  69. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 160–165
  70. ^ Reeves, pp. 177–178; Howe, pp. 107–108; Karabell, pp. 39–40
  71. ^ Karabell, p. 41; Reeves, p. 178
  72. ^ Howe, pp. 107–108
  73. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 179–181
  74. ^ Reeves, pp. 190–194
  75. ^ Jordan, pp. 292–305
  76. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 194–196; Jordan, pp. 294–295
  77. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 196–197; Jordan, pp. 297–302
  78. ^ Reeves, p. 196; Jordan, p. 301
  79. ^ Reeves, pp. 198–202
  80. ^ a b c Reeves, pp. 203–204
  81. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 205–207
  82. ^ Reeves, pp. 213–216; Karabell, pp. 52–53
  83. ^ Reeves, pp. 216–219; Karabell, pp. 54–56
  84. ^ a b c Reeves, pp. 220–223
  85. ^ Reeves, pp. 223–230
  86. ^ Reeves, pp. 230–233
  87. ^ a b c d Reeves, pp. 233–237; Howe, pp. 147–149
  88. ^ Karabell, p. 59; Reeves, p. 237
  89. ^ Reeves, pp. 238–241; Doenecke, pp. 53–54
  90. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 241–243; Howe, pp. 152–154
  91. ^ a b c Reeves, pp. 244–248; Karabell, pp. 61–63
  92. ^ Doenecke, pp. 53–54; Reeves, p. 248
  93. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 252–253, 268–269
  94. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 275–276
  95. ^ a b Howe, p. 160; Reeves, p. 254
  96. ^ a b Howe, p. 161; Reeves, pp. 254–255
  97. ^ a b Howe, pp. 160–161; Reeves, pp. 255–257
  98. ^ a b c d Howe, pp. 162–163; Reeves, pp. 257–258
  99. ^ a b Doenecke, pp. 93–95; Reeves, pp. 297–298
  100. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 299–300; Howe, p. 182
  101. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 301–302; Howe, pp. 185–189
  102. ^ a b c Reeves, pp. 303–305; Howe, pp. 189–193
  103. ^ a b c d Reeves, pp. 320–324; Doenecke, pp. 96–97; Theriault, pp. 52–53, 56
  104. ^ Doenecke, pp. 99–100; Theriault, pp. 57–63
  105. ^ a b c Reeves, p. 324; Doenecke, pp. 101–102
  106. ^ a b c Reeves, pp. 325–327; Doenecke, pp. 102–104
  107. ^ a b Howe, pp. 209–210
  108. ^ <templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>Chester A. Arthur (1884). "Fourth State of the Union Address". Wikisource, The Free Library. Retrieved July 15, 2011.
  109. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 328–329; Doenecke, p. 168
  110. ^ Lewis A. Kimmel, Federal-Budget and Fiscal Policy 1789-1958, (Washington, D. C.: The Brooking Institute, 1959). Cited in Dworsky: "The temptation to squander money was overwhelming; the Rivers and Harbors Act passed over (President) Arthur's veto in 1882 demonstrated how strongly it lay upon the Congress."
  111. ^ a b c Reeves, pp. 330–333; Doenecke, pp. 169–171
  112. ^ Reeves, pp. 334–335
  113. ^ a b c d Reeves, pp. 280–282; Doenecke, p. 81
  114. ^ Reeves, p. 281
  115. ^ Howe, pp. 196–197; Reeves, pp. 281–282; Karabell, p. 90
  116. ^ a b c Doenecke, pp. 55–57; Reeves, pp. 284–289
  117. ^ a b Doenecke, pp. 129–132; Reeves, pp. 289–293; Bastert, pp. 653–671
  118. ^ a b Doenecke, pp. 173–175; Reeves, pp. 398–399, 409
  119. ^ Doenecke, pp. 175–178; Reeves, pp. 398–399, 407–410
  120. ^ a b c Howe, pp. 168–169; Doenecke, p. 81
  121. ^ Hutchinson, p. 162; Howe, p. 169
  122. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 277–278; Hoogenboom, pp. 387–389
  123. ^ a b c Reeves, pp. 278–279; Doenecke, pp. 81–84
  124. ^ Reeves, p. 337; Doenecke, p. 145
  125. ^ Reeves, pp. 338–341; Doenecke, pp. 145–147
  126. ^ Doenecke, pp. 147–149
  127. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 342–343; Abbot, pp. 346–347
  128. ^ a b c Reeves, pp. 343–345; Doenecke, pp. 149–151
  129. ^ Reeves, pp. 349–350; Doenecke, pp. 152–153
  130. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 306–308; Doenecke, pp. 105–108
  131. ^ a b c d Reeves, pp. 307–309; Ayers, pp. 46–47
  132. ^ Reeves, pp. 310–313
  133. ^ Ayers, pp. 47–48
  134. ^ Doenecke, pp. 112–114
  135. ^ Marszalek, passim.
  136. ^ a b c Doenecke, pp. 84–85
  137. ^ Doenecke, pp. 85–89
  138. ^ a b Doenecke, pp. 89–92; Reeves, pp. 362–363
  139. ^ Doenecke, p. 91; Stuart, pp. 452–454
  140. ^ a b c Doenecke, pp. 89-90; Reeves, pp. 362–363
  141. ^ a b c Reeves, pp. 317–318; Howe, pp. 243–244
  142. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 355–359; Howe, pp. 244–246
  143. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 364–367; Howe, pp. 247–248
  144. ^ Karabell, pp. 124–125; Reeves, pp. 366–367
  145. ^ a b c Reeves, pp. 368–371; Howe, pp. 254–257
  146. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 373–375; Doenecke, pp. 181–182
  147. ^ a b Reeves, pp. 380–381; Howe, pp. 264–265
  148. ^ Reeves, pp. 387–389; Howe, pp. 265–266
  149. ^ a b c d e f Reeves, pp. 260–261; Howe, p. 195
  150. ^ <templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>"Supreme Court Nominations, present-1789". U.S. Senate. Retrieved February 11, 2012.
  151. ^ Doenecke, p. 76
  152. ^ <templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>"Blatchford, Samuel M." Biographical Directory of Federal Judges. Federal Judicial Center. Retrieved July 27, 2011.
  153. ^ Reeves, pp. 412–414
  154. ^ a b c d e Reeves, pp. 416–418
  155. ^ Reeves, pp. 418–419
  156. ^ Howe, p. 5
  157. ^ Hoogenboom, p. 370
  158. ^ Howe, p. 109
  159. ^ Reeves, p. 179; Karabell, pp. 40–41
  160. ^ Reeves 1972, passim.

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